itiatives, among them a call for a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution, a new attack on deficit spending, and tax relief for the middle class. They want to slash welfare rolls, stiffen criminal penalties, and limit lawmakers' terms and perks. And they'll promote new regulatory relief for business. Chopping away with machetes is just what the Armies of the Right have had to do. With Clinton occupying the White House, vetoes thwart many GOP thrusts. To complicate matters, clicks among the conservatives disagree on elements of policy and how it should be carried out themselves. During the campaign, some moderate big-city mayors broke GOP ranks to back Democrats they felt had a better approach to urban woes. Other party members have concerns, such as aid to cut illegal immigration and money to build bigger better prisons. The radicals of the right, led by evangelist Pat Robertson, played a big role in the 1994 election. His followers wanted more attention paid to issues such as federal aid to religious academies and restrictions on abortion. Some Republicans, reflecting the views of "America First" crusader Pat Buchanan and independent Ross Perot, are skeptical of multilateral trade pacts. GOP moderates (the few left) worry that the party may abandon its emphasis on deficit-fighting. And conservative Sunbelt Democrats are uneasy about the ideals of Gingrich and friends. Neither faction trusts the other. If all hangs together, the new conservative axis of Republicans on the hill and in the house can exert an ideological hammerlock on the ways of Clinton and ensure that any legislation that moves reflects the views of the right. Until or unless the Republicans are unable to regain control of the Presidency, they will continue to try to reach agreements on a few issues, such as welfare and trade. If Democrats and Republicans can forge a consensus on these topics, they might be able to work toward other right winged goals. Everything ...
