aditional system completely" (249) in order for economic reform to thrive. Communist Party members, of course, articulate a different position. In a recent interview that appeared in the Beijing Review, Feng Bing, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Commission for Restructuring the Economic System, spoke to the issue of economic reform in China. It is striking that Feng spoke of the benefits that the populace has received as a result of the economic reform now occurring in China. That is, his comments appeared to demonstrate the beneficence, or the moral force, of the Chinese Communist Party vis-a-vis economic reform. He noted that such reform involves the essence of socialism: "to liberate and develop productive forces; to eradicate exploitation; to remove polarization; and ... to attain the goal of common prosperity" ("Official on Economic Reform." Beijing Review: pg. 12). Thus, CCP leaders still appear to see their roles as representatives of a moral force. CCP members and leaders wish economic reform not to be judged on just its practical merits, but also as an effect of the moral force of the leadership. Economic reform, then, becomes nothing less than a moral crusade and it is thus easy to see why, for example, China "has staked its national prestige on becoming a founding member of the World Trade Organization" (Gargan, pg. 14). Will China succeeds in taking its place among the nations of the world market? Will the CCP succeed in retaining its political power given the drastic changes in the societal makeup of China that are occurring due to the changing economic realities? I would suggest that the chances are better for the former than for the latter. Once the Chinese attain more sophistication relative to international and national markets, institute a more manageable banking system, and make a good faith effort to insure acceptable human rights, the country may well become "the richest economy in the world within the next 25...
