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The Hausa, Ibo, and Yoruba are the major ethnic group of Nigeria, but also refer to the kingom’s name and the culture and language of the area. There are many similarities between these kingdoms but also many recongnizable differences. For example, the Ibo’s have lighter skin than the Hausa and Yoruba people. Also, many Hausa’s and Yoruba’s have tribal markings on their face. The women of the Hausa kingdom typically where a headress covering their eyes and are known to be the less educated people of the country. The Ibo people are thought to be money-makers and business people of the country and almost all that is produced in Nigeria is produced primarily in the west by the Ibo’s. Women in the Yoruba kingdom are almost equal to men. Yoruba women inheret land and can acquire wealth, which is very unique treatment of most women throughout Nigeria. Almost half of the Nigeria’s population identifies as Muslims, followed by nearly 35 percent Chirsitans, and more than 18 percent as other indigenous religions (Metz, 1991). But as different ethnic groups constitue specific regions in Nigeria, so do religions. The far northern areas of Nigeria have commonly been considered Muslim, but the middle belt has a mixture of Muslim and Christian followers. The south is traditionally considered Christian and features Protestant and Africanized churches, such as the Aladura movement among the Yoruba and Roman Catholicism among the Igbo. There was also a sizeable Muslim population in the South. In addition, traditional religions, characterized by worship of primordial spirits, dead ancestors, and spirits of places, is practiced, especially in rural areas (Metz, 1991) With a population of more than 100 million people, there are 250 to 400 or more recognized ethnic groups, many of which are divided into subgroups of considerable social and political importance. There are a huge number of languages spoken in Nigeria, estimated at between 350 and 400. Most important are Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo. English is the official language used in government, large-scale business, mass media, and education beyond primary school" (Metz, 1991). The state and local governments are responsible for the primary education (six-year program). The responsibility for secondary education is shared by the federal and state governments. There are also some private schools of Muslim and Christian faith. "In 1990 between 150,000 and 200,000 were enrolled in thirty-five colleges, universities, and higher technical schools" (Metz, 1991, section 1 of 1). Approximity 61 percent of the female adult population is illiterate in Nigeria compared to 37.7 percent of the male adult population (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). The major health problems reported in 1991 to effect Nigerians included cerebrospinal meningitis, yellow fever, Lassa fever, AIDS, malaria, guinea worm, schistosomiasis, onchocerciasis, and malnutrition among young children (Metz, 1991). Medical establishments are owned by federal, state, and local governments and private groups. The gross domestic product (GDP) of Nigeria in 1988 consitituted the highest percent of GDP coming from agriculture, represented by 39.1, followed by industry represented by 10 percent (Metz, 1991). Products produced in Nigeria range from palm oil, peanuts, rubber, petroleum, wood, hides and skins to food products, textiles, cement, building materials, footwear, chemical products, ceramics, small appliances (Metz, 1991). Nigeria’s major trading partners are with the United States, Britain, other European Economic Community countries, Japan, and Canada (Metz, 1991). Oil, a huge export from Nigeria has created many problems in the country. Efforts to decrease unemployment have been hampered by the dependence of the economy on petroleum, especially in the recession of the 1980s. "In 1988 oil produced 87 percent of the country's export income and 77 percent of total federal revenues. This situation made the economy very vulnerable to world oil price fluctuations" (Metz, 1991, section 1 of 1). The fall of oil prices and output in the the latter 1980s caused a drastic decline in Nigeria’s GDP. As a result, gross national product declined from $830 US dollars to $250 per capitia in 1989 (Metz, 1991). As a result, for the first time in 1988, Nigeria was listed by the World Bank as a low-income country. "The fall in the price of oil caused Nigeria not only to incur a trade deficit but also to begin foreign borrowing, resulting in 1989 in the largest public debt of any sub-Saharan country" (Metz, 1991, section 1 of 1). Most middle class Nigerian women will agree that the basic situation of women in Nigeria is not intolerable or appalling because of the economic women have within the system. Women of urban working class, the urban poor, and the peasantry insist more on their right to work, as they very often are effected differently by the system, both Islamic and traditional. (sisterhood, 500). Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the largest in area of the West African states. It is a country of great diversity because of the many ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups that live within its borders. Nigeria is also a country with a long past. The history of the peoples that constitute the present state dates back more than 2,000 years. The Nok people inhabited the region of Nigeria from from 800 B.C.E. to 200 B.C.E. Kanem-Bornu, the first major state in Nigeria, developed in the 8th century, extending south from Lake Chad into present-day Nigeria by the 11th century. During this period, Hausa city-states were established (in the north) and Islam was introduced into the region. Portugese traders entered the area in the 15th century and began to propagate the kidnapping and buying of slaves. Ibo and Ibibio city-states were built with wealth acquired from the slave trade (Morgan, 1996). In 1804, a "holy war" led by the Fulani Moslem conquered the Hausa states. The son of Usuman dan Fodio founded Sokoto, the ruling state until British colonization. Islam became established in the early 1800’s and with it came segregation of the sexes, male authority in choosing domicile, and deprivation of women’s traditional economic pursuits (Morgan, 1996). In earlier Nigerian history, women, such as Amina, Queen of Zaria, a 15th century Huasa Kingdom ruler, succeeded her father as ruler and maintained control for 34 years (Morgan, 1996). Before British colonization, Yoruba women of the Oyo kingdom held high political rank. Women in other significant tribes, such as the Ibo, had a role in traditional politics as well. The Omu, was in charge of women in the village with her chosen cabinet, which included a policewoman who kept order in the marketplace. Women also were organized in groups of wives of lineage and daugthers of lineage that acted as pressure groups. This group called the "Inyemedi" gathered regularly for mikiri, a forum for women’s issues where rules were made about livestock, and the market, and women discussed their problems about men; strategies for solving them-which might include seuxal, housework, or childcare strikes-were arrived at collectively" (Morgan, 1996, p. 497). By 1906, British controlled the country and divided into 2 protectorates under "indirect rule." The British established judicial systems that circumvented the Ibo women’s arbitration courts and recognized only male power structures. Igboland was split into Native Court areas administered by British officers or Ibo men designated as warrant chiefs (Morgan, 1996). The usurpation of women’s rights was the main cause of Ogu Umunwanyi, the Women’s War of 1929, called the Aba Riots by British historians. The war was triggered by a census and property count which resulted in taxes for men. Women leaders in several tribes organized to prevent taxation and held meetings at which women decided not to comply with the count and to riase an alarm if an official demanded information" (Morgan, 1996). On Nov. 23, 1929, women from all over the province portested at the local Native Administration Centers’ district office. The women protested, demolished or burned 16 Native Courts and released prisoners in several jails (Morgan, 1996). Religious influence, especially by the Christianity missionary intensified during the 1930’s. The missionaries banned participation in traditional rituals such as the mikiri, an Ibo women’s forum for example. In 1959, women again revolted against discriminatory colonial policies. The Kon women of Eastern Nigeria protested when the colonial government wanted to sell their lands to the Ibo. Nearly 2000 women marched on a nearby town and burned down the marketplace. They demanded the closing of all foreign schools, courts, and other institutions, and the expulsioin of all non-Kon peoples from the area (Morgan, 1996). On October 12, 1960, Nigeria gained Independence. Since Nigeria was colonized by the British who set up government in the northern, Hausa section of Nigeria, leadership naturally passed to these people after independence. The Ibo’s have historically been egalitarian, settling disputes among family kindred. Military rule has been the major ruling form established in the "democratic" government of Nigeria, although there were many civilian presidents after indendpence and through the 1980s. More recently, on June 8 1998, Nigeria's ruler at the time, General Sani Abacha died of a heart attack. Abdulsalam Abubakar took his, and initially was still promising a return to civilian rule. Abubakar’s initial transition plan was to take the nation on a path of political and economic reform. Shortly after, in February of 1999, another presidential election took place between the former president, Olusegun Obasanjo (of Yoruba), and another Nigerian, Olu Falae. Jimmy Carter went to Nigeria to monitor the election and verify that it was a fair election. Olusegun Obasanjo won over 60% of the votes and on on May 29, 1999, another military took over power from Abubakar (Lyman & Cotton, 2000). The military branch of the government has the highest power in the country, and they are in control of running the country in general (though in the cases of the military, the rule tends to be more dictator than democratic). The federal government is next in charge of running the country, and is bound by the rules of the constitution. The federal government structure is divided into 3 main branches: the executive, legislative, and judicial. At the state levels, the same three branches of government exist which is divided into the executive and legislative branch which consists of the State house of representatives, and the Cabinet which consists of a group of ministers that have been appointed to oversee certain areas of the government. Under the federal government there are 28 cabinets set up, for education, agriculture, employment, etc. The Third Republic, is a form of civilian governmetn devised by the present Federal Military Goverernment (FMG) in which the president has final say over any democratic decisions made the senate any legislative houses. When General Babangida took power in 1985 this had been the first government that officially addressed the ‘women question’ and placed it explicitly on its political agenda (Abdullah, 1993). There are no legal impediments to political participation or voting by women in Nigeria. Yet, in 1997, only 20 percetn of Nigerian women, who constitute more than half population, were fully involved in national development activities and only five percent of women particiapted in the Federal Legislature during the civilian regime" (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). In addition, there has never been a woman in the cabinet of the former Armed Forces Ruling Council of Nigeria and the present Provinical Ruling Council, the highest decision-making bodies in Nigeria" (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Interpretations of Islam have been used to exclude women’s access to participate equally in politics. Fatima L. Adamu (no date), a female Nigerian activist of the 90s is involved in work on gender issues in Northern Nigeria and states that "In Nigeria, women’s right to be elected to the secular central government is being challenged in the name of Islam and as a result, Hausa women of Muslim faith in Northern Nigeria are being left far behing, compared with their sisters from the South" (p. 9). Adamu (no date) states that, "Interpretations of religions throughout, including Islam, have been used as grounds for refusing women their rights as individuals (p. 9). Further, Adamu (no date) explains: One cannot ignore the centrality of Islam in determining the positin of women in Muslim societies, and its impact on the everyday lives of women. In Northern Nigeria, for example, ideas about gender relations are derived from interpretations of Islam, and these ideas are enacted either through legislation or public opinion. Matters of central concern to women such as inheritance, marriage, child custody, divource, and other marital relationships are governed by Islamic rules in many Muslim societies. In Northern Nigeria, the Shari’ah courts, which practise Islamic personal law, remain the most relevean and widely used legal system, despite the option of using the civil court. Legal matters which concern women in their role as wives and mother – for example, disputes over inheritance, marriage, divorce, and child custody – are therefore commonly conducted or resolved within the Islamic legal syustem reather than the parallel Nigerian civil legal system (p. 10). Adamu speaks of the importance and relevance of women’s participation in the Islamic movement and the relevance of women’s participation in the Islamic movement in the Muslim world. Adamu explains that the women’s movement in Muslim societies "has been interpreted by some as ‘an ambigous political struggle’, where women are on the one hand ‘fighting actively against their inequality, but on the other [are] accepting or supporting their own subordination’ " (Adamu, no date, p. 10). Despite conflicting interpretations of women’s struggle in Nigeria, Adamu and other Muslim women activits are confronting issues of concern to Muslim women. According to Adamu (no date), "Muslim women in many communities throughout the world are redefining Islam as a legitimate tool for engaging with and tackling gender issues in Muslim socieites" (p. 9). The pattern of discrimination against women varies according to the ethnic and religious diversity of Nigeria’s vast population. Women are discriminated in employment, customs, early marriage, religious practices, education and health care. In Nigeria, women are generally prevented from participating in certain economic activities (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). They are not employed as auto mechanics or commercial driver, in the oil industry, or in cement production factories (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Sex discrimination can be seen in some work disciplines such as engineering and surgery. As an area of study in Nigeria, surgery has been mainly dominiated by men. Women are seen as physcially unifit for the field of engineering services and women who pursure studies in this field can be riduled (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Women are often refused from positions of authority where they would have power over men. "In the police force, the use of arms by women is seriously discouraged because the authorities do not have confidence in women’s ability to handle guns in carrying out their duties" ((Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997, p. 6). Between 35 and 44 percent of all women in Nigeria work for wages (Seager, 1997, p. 68). Women do no receive equal for equal work and often find it extrememly difficult to acquire commercial credit or to obtain tax deductions or rebates as heads of household (No author, 1998). While the number of women employed in the business sector increases every year, in the higher prestige sectors of the workforce, women are still significatnly underrepresented. Less than 10 percent of women hold administrative and managerial positions (Seager, 1997, p. 71). The issue of early marriage prevails largely in the northern parts of Nigeria. Parents in this area see marriage as a way to raise their standard of living, particularly if their daughters marry wealthy men. As a result of early marriages, women drop out of school without completing their education and have little time for social activities (No author, 1998). According to ‘Molara Ogundipe-Leslie (no date) a scholar, author, and women’s activitst of Lagos, Nigeria, "it is within marriage that the Nigerian woman suffers the most oppression (p. 498). Ogundipe-Leslie further explains that, "the oppression of a married women takes many forms: first, she loses status by being married, because in the traditional system-which is still at the base of the society-the woman as daughter or sister has greater status and more rights within her own lineage. Married, she becomes a possession, vioceless, and often rightless in her husband’s family, except for what accrues to her through her children" (Ogundipe-Leslie, no date). Many times the wife has to submit to dominance by her husband or face blame from the total society. There is also peer group pressure on the husband, pressure which encourages men in the direction of male supremancy (Ogundipe-Leslie, no date). Ogundipe-Leslie states that subordination of women in marriage has another reality: women are overworked. Generally, men do no housework or childcare and women struggle on two fronts, the home and workplace. Violence against women exists, but there are no statistical data to determine the extent of the problem. Police do not normally intervene in domestic disputes. In areas where customary law exists it becomes even harder to educate and stop violence against women when the level of alleged abuse does not exceed customary norms. The government only occasionally condemned child abuse and neglect and made little effort to stop coustomary practices harmful to children, such as the sale of young girls in marriage (No author, 1998). Until recently, Christian women were not allowed to be pastors or preachers or to take leadership positions in worship. Women were expected to be silent and submissive and not until recently have women been attaining leadership positions in their churches (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Muslim women who live under purdah are secluded from the outside world. While the men may marry as many as four wives, women are not permitted to be seen in the company of another man. It is generally believed that a respectable woman should not be exposed to outside influences, and that a women’s education will erode her husband’s control (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Female genital mutilation (FGM) is still practiced extensively in all parts of the country and among all religious groups, and many ethnic groups, despite the fact that the Nigerian government has publicly opposed female genital mutiliatin. In February of 1998, the Minister of Health, Ihechukwu Madubuike, announced that the government had established a 25-person committee to study this issue. The number of female genital mutilations are declining and the Ministry of Health and many government orgainisations have sponsored public awareness projects to educate communities about the health hazards of female genital mutilation. The press also openly condemns this practice. Although women are not legally barred from owning land, under some customary systems only men can own land, and women gain access to land through marriage of family. In addition, customary practices do not recognize a woman’s right to inherit her husband’s property, and many widows thrown off their property after their husband dies. In other areas, a widow is considered part of her husband’s property and she too may be "inherited" by his family. Due to inheritance restriction and lack of affordability, women have little or no access to land in Nigeria. To begin with, banks are not allowed to give loans to women unless she has a written permission from her husband. If a women is single, it becomes even harder to rent or buy a house or apartment. Single women are often discriminated against renting apartments by landlords who uphold cultural prejudices (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). According to a statistic by the Nigeria Habitat Coalition, more than 90 percent of all family owned lands and property in Nigeria are registered in men’s names" (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Although Nigeria has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Disrmination Agaisnt Women (CEDAW), declaring women’s specific right to housing and the related right of women to own, administer, and manage property, no action has been taken to integrate the convention into the west African coutnry’s Constitution (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Government has not helped women either. The housing needs of women are rarely considered when formulating policies and programmes. Women are rarely consulted or brought into the process of policy formulation and execution. Female access to property revolves around the legal status of women. "In Nigeria, the legal status more or less subordinates women," says Eze Onyekpere, Executive Director of Shelter Rights Initiative (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). It is quite contradictory that women are required to cultivate their husband’s land and grow the family food including the food for the husband, for which they receive nothing in return. The husband can sell in the market what a women grows to buy for himself whatever he wants. She can be divorced at any time which means thrown out of her home to which she has no right; nor does she have any right to her children (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Helen Nwaneri (1998) states that "Gender means the distinction between sexes (male and female), it refers to the system of roles and relationships between women and men that are dominated not by biology but by the society. Gender stereotypes are roles or a pattern of behavior placed on a particular sex by the society, mostly beliefs, illogical ideas and false phrases" (p. 40). According to Helen Nwaneri, some of the common stereotypes are: the belief that men are the bread winners even though it is known to be untrue. It is believed that women are the weaker sex, yet women are still overburdened with work. Women are compelled to do all domestic work and chidcare which has made it difficult for most women to work in offices, get an education, to vote and be voted for; even their freedom of movement is restricted. Women who go to work outside their homes and get an education are still expected to carry out all domestic chores. It is believed that men are stronger physically, emotionally, spiritually . . . It is believed that ‘Emotions and not reasoning rules the complex female mind’ and because of this ‘hypothesis’ men are the decision and policy makers in the society. There is special treatment for a male child in the family: this gives girls lack of confidence and an inferiority complex. It is believed that men are more intelligent than women: that is why school is regarded as a favour to a girl and not as a right. It is believed that all there is to a woman’s life is marriage and children, therefore, females’ lives are determined before they are born. Men believe that they are superior to women and use religious and cultural stereotypes to justify their beliefs and use this to dehumanize and oppress women. Patriarchy means a community where males are regarded as supreme in all aspects of daily life. It is through patriarchy that violence agasint women developed, men feel that violence is power. For example, men believe that decisions must always be made by them (Oduaran & Okukpon, 1997). Nwaneri (1998) states that, "Due to all these stereotypes women live at a disadvantage and under conditions that favor men who claim to be the ones with authority to articulate the nation’s culture and politics (p. 40). Nwaneri (1998) sees that power against women can be eqaulized if: * Violence against women is stopped: the most common type is domestic violence which is not tkane seriously by either the civil society or law enforcement. * Violation of women’s rights should be stopped: women should own property and land, women should speak up and be heard because owmen’s rights are human’s rights. * Empowerment of women: for a woman to be empowered she has to be prepared for all forms of challenges, she has to know what she is actually struggling for. * Self-esteem: women should assert their rights firmly and with complete confidence. Establish your personality in the society, form female groups, raise your consiousness and esteem. Assert your rights politely and stand up for them. Assertiveness goes along with empowerment. * Make your values and stand known: ‘Say No’ to stereotyped upbringing. Girls should be brought up to know their worth and rights. Invest on today’s girls for tomorrow’s women (p. 40). Nwneri encourages all Nigerians stating, "We should take part in the political, social and economic decistions of this country: power must be equalized. Women have to assert their rights: I know we can all do it through solidarity." At the government and non-governmental level, there are several organisations that are concerned with gender issues. At the government level, the Better Life Programme for rural dwellers (BLP), the National Commission for Women (NCW) and the manifestos of the two political parties ("tranisition politics"). At the non-governmental leve, the roles of the National Council of Women’s Socitites (NCWS) and the Nigerian Association of University Women (NAUW) have been most significant in addressing women’s issues and alerting women to their roles in present society. The Better Life Programme was launched in September 1987. Its founding purpose was to work out effective strategies for mobilisng rural women for development and to exchange ideas on how best to maximise the productivity and contributions of rural women to the development of their communiites in general and their individual lot in particular (Abdullah, 1993). The rights included in the 1979 Constitution of Nigeria include: the right to be free from domination or oppression, the right to have an equal opporunity to participate in an benefit from the development of the country and the right not to be discriminated against on the basis of sex (building women). Likewise, the Federal Military Government established the National Convention for Women (NCW) began a political awareness campaign from July-August of 1991 of integrating women into the development process (Abdullah, 1993). At the non-governmental level, the NCWS and the NAUW have been most closely associated with the mobilistation of owmen in Nigeria. The National Council of Women’s Socitites (NCWS), formed in 1959, is the officially recognised non-governmental women’s organisation. "It is an umbrella organisation to which every non-governmental women’s orgainistiona is expected to be affilated in order to be accorded state recognition" (Abdullah, 1993). The National Council of Women’s Socitites is a fedeartion of non-political women’s organizations which seek to create an awaremess of ‘good citizenship’ amongst its members; to promote the welfare and progress of women, especially in education, and to ensure that women are given every opportunity to play an important role in social and community affairs (Abdullah, 1993). The Nigerian Association of University Women (NAUW), established in 1964, is an organisation of professional middle-class women. Membership is only open to women who have spent at least two years studying in a ‘recognised’ university. Among the objectives of the organisation is the promotion of women’s education at all levls and the involvement of women in every aspect of "national building" (Abdullah, 1993). Organizations such as The Better Life Programme The National Council of Women’s Socitites have made certain strides for women. The aims and objectives of The Better Life Programme are: to raise the social consciousness of women about their rights as well as their social, political and economic responsibilites. To bring women together and closer for better understanding and resolution of their problems through collective action. To mobolise women for concrete activities towards achieving specific ojectives, including seeking leadership roles in all spheres of national life, to stimulate and motivate women in rural areas towards achieving a better and higher standard of life, to enlighten women in rural areas on opportunities and facilities available to them in their local governmnet areas, to sensitse the genreal populace to the plight of rural women. And to educate women on simple hygiene, fmaily planning and on the importance of child care, to improve and enrich family life (Abdullah, 1993). The objectives of the National Convention for Women (NCW) are: to integrate women as participants and beneficiares in the development process, to promote healthey and resphonsible motherhood, to enhance women’s civic, political and socio-economic education, and to eliminate socio-cultural practicies that dehumanise and discriminate against women. Abullah states that the roles played by government and non-governmental organisations in the mobilisation of women have not addressed the issues of gender subordination in society, such as sexual division of labour and women’s subordination to men at home and in the workplace (Abdullah, 1993). Hussaina asks the question why not? She explains that it is not possible for a regime such as the Federal Military Government which is implementing the structural adjustment programme (SAP) of the IMF and the World Bank to mobilise or politicise women for genuine liberation and development (Abdullah, 1993). Abdullah concisely states: Such an objective would contradict the government’s economic restructuring agenda. The structural adjustment policies in Nigeria have had extremely adverse effects on the population, especially low income earners in cities and the rural poor, of which women are the majority. The drastic cut in state welfare servieces, the introduction of user charges for health services, the decline in real incomes, the reduction in education facilities, the fall in the fuel subsidy, the retrenchment of employment, have all led to massive deterioration in the living standard of the poor. This has created additional burden for owmen as ‘managers’ of the domestic unit (p. 41). Abdullah also states that, "Military regimes are by their nature repressive and undemocratic and cannot therefor undertake responsibility for the liberation of any sector or group in society" (Abdullah, 1993). Abdullah concludes that many non-governmental orgainsations such as the the Nigerian Association of University Women (NAUW) and the National Council of Women’s Socitites (NCWS) cannot be expected to work for the mobilisation and the elimination of gender subordination because their structure, objectives and constitutions do not recognize the majority of all Nigerian women. These organizations are made up of upper and middle class women whose conerns are with improving the provision of services rather than changing the consciousness of women (Abdullah, 1993). In addition, Hussaina states, "they are hierarchial and have not developed a clear understanding of gender subordination or its relationship to other forms of social and economic oppression" (Abdullah, 1993, p. 41). What Hussaina finds necessary in order to bring about the genuine liberation of women and men in Nigeria is for the empancipation and liberation of owmen and all oppressed groups in Nigeria. She states that "the democratic and trade union movements need to adopt and operationalise the feminist slogan ‘the personal is political’ as their first statement of belief (Abdullah, 1993, p. 41). This means that the issues associated with the private (domestic) sphere of he home should be incorporated into the democratic and trade union discourse and that issues such as domestic violence, rape in marriage, incest and sexual harassment and abuse should no longer be treated as the private and personal affair of individuals and households (Abdullah, 1993). Further, Abdullah calls for change in government policies that discriminate against women. Single women, for example, are generally regarded, even accused, of being responsible for the moral decadence of deviant men in response to sexual tempation. Single women are suspected of prostitution, periodically rounded up, jailed, and made to enter into forced marriages. Such actions demand changes in the assumptions behind state policy, and for the political education of both men and women (transition p2 all quote). For women to become more active and more conficent, and be able to relate equally with their co-worker in the unio, they must be able to challenge the many barriers of gender subordination, both ideologically and in terms of the material oppression under whichy they labour while not minimising the importance of class solidarity as an organising principle, and the significane of class in effecting both female and male oppressin. Hussaina concludes that "One must come to terms with the reality of gender subordination within the class framework" (transition). The only organisation in Nigeria which recognises gender and class oppression, Hussaina states, is Women in Nigeria (WIN), a non-governmental orgainsation formed in 1982. "The future of feminism in Nigeria depends on raising consciousness of women to a greater awareness of their human rights in general and in relation to men, followed by a keener desire to know and act on the various possible modes of ensurig these rights. The greatest strenth of Nigerian women lies in their right and ability to work, in addition to their resourcefulness and great capacity for emotional survival" (sisterhood 503). Of the eighteen conventions listed by the International Women’s Tribune Centre in Rights of Women, eight have been ratified. Among these conventions are the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). CEDAW gives a wider definition of discrimination than other documents describing women’s human rights and discusses women’s inequality in the broader context of poverty, racism, armed conflict and devlopment. CEDAW also covers discrimination in the home. Likewise, ICCPR, states that women should not be treated differntly, or have their rights denied, because of race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth, or other status (Rights of Women, 1998). Also, women have the right to live without discrimination of any kind based on sex (Rights of Women, 1998). Unfortunatley, these conventions mean little to the military government and the Hausa, Ibo, and even Yoruba people, whose culture have already established rules and norms that are not easy to change, especially if not enforced. Men still hold the power in Nigeria. Even though all women can by law vote in Nigeria, if, for example, a husband does not allow his wife to vote, she has little choice but to obey him. International law regarding women’s right to own property also has little effect on the reality of female ownership of land in Nigeria. On a more positive note, the Beijing Conference created a positive stir in the women’s movement in Nigeria. When women returned from the conference, similar national conferences were held in Nigeria, and since then, women’s voices are beginning to be heard. As more and more women cross typical gender boundaries, and run for politics, for example, other women are given a positive example of the roles women can and should hold in society. The critical areas of concern reported in the follow up to Beijing are as followed: 1. Poverty: establish income generation activities, link formal banking sector, micro-credit initiatives, provide youth counselling and training initiatives, target women farmers, provide training on new skills for food processing, form trade groups. 2. Education : train female teachers, achieve computer literacy, introduce adult education, capacity building, establish girl's schools, provide scholarships for science and technology, basic primary education, recruit drop-outs, establish day care centres. 3. Health: reduce maternal mortality and morbidity by 50 per cent of 1990 level, provide vaccination, training of health workers, provision of infrastructure, improve health through functional literacy, nutrition, breast feeding, etc. 4. Violence: reduce violence by 80 per cent, address causes, eliminate trafficking. 5. Armed conflict: increase participation of women at the decision making levels, protect women in armed conflict, promote non-violent forms of conflict resolution, reduce excessive military budgets. 6. Economy: ensure equal access, maximise women's potential . 7. Power and decision-making: increase women's share in decision-making at local, state, and national levels; enforce accountability; collect statistics. 8. Human rights: offer legal advice, establish legal aid clinics, revise legislation, raise awareness through CEDAW workshops. 9. Media: increase women's involvement in media, create gender-sensitive programmes. 10. Environment: facilitate access to information, education and training, promote research, promote potable water 11. The Girl Child: raise minimum age for marriage, create opportunities for education, protect against economic and sexual exploitation etc. There are obvious and necessary changes that need to be made in Nigeria. Married women who are battered by there husband must have a safe option to leave her husband in a violent relationship. Establishments must be set up to support all women and their after a husband’s death, instead of the woman being thrown off the property and left to fend for her children and herself. There has been recent push by lawyers to work for the rights of women in the familly setting. This is one giant leap for women’s empowerment in Nigeria. If progress is made which brings about more rights for women in the family setting, this may influence factors relating to women’s status in the greater society. Eventually, women of all cultures, classes, ethnicities, and religions in Nigeria may one day view women as equal to men. Bibliography: References Abdullah, H. (March 1993). "Transition politics and the challenge of gender in Nigeria." Review of African Political Economy, (26), pp. 27+. Retrieved April 28, 2000 from EBSCO database (Masterfile) on the World Wide Web: http://ehostvgw6.epnet.com/ehost1.asp?key=204.179.122.141_8000_-848856314&return=n&site=ehost&profile=web Adamu, F. (no date). A double-edged sword: Challenging women’s oppression within Muslim society in northern Nigeria. Gender and development, 9-14. Federal Research Division Library of Congress. (June 1991). "Nigeria- a country study." Washington, DC: Metz, C., ed. Retrieved April 28, 2000 on the World Wide Web: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ngtoc.html. Morgan, R. (ed.). (1996). Sisterhood is global. New York: The Feminist Press. No author. (1998). "Women and human rights Nigeria, Africa." Women’s International Network News, 24 (2), p. 12. Retrieved April 28, 2000 from EBSCO database (Masterfile) on the World Wide Web: http://ehostgw6.epnet.com/ehost.asp?key=204.179.122.141_8000_- 848856314&return=n&site=ehost&profile=web. Nwaneri, Helen. (1997). Nigeria: gender stereotypes and power equality. Hosken, F., ed. Women’s International Network News, 23. (4), 40. Oduaran, A.B. & Okukpon, L.A. (1997). "Building women’s capacity for national development." Convergence, 30(1), pp. 60+. Retrieved April 28, 2000 from EBSCO database (Masterfile) on the World Wide Web: http:wwehosevgw6.epnet.com/ehost1.asp?key=204.179.122.141_8000_- 848856314&return=n&site=ehost&profile=web Ogundipe-Leslie, ‘M. (no date). Nigeria: Not spinning on the axis of maleness. In Morgan, R. (ed.), Sisterhood is global (pp. 498-504). New York: The Feminist Press. Overseas Development Council (March 2000). Reviewing U.S.-Nigeria relations: New links to reinforce democracy. Lyman, P. & Cotton, L. Retrieved 28 April 2000 on the World Wide Web: http://www.oneworld.org/anydoc2.cgi?doc_url=http://www.odc.org/commentary/vpmar00.html Seager, Joni. (Ed.). (1997). The State of Women in the World Atlas. New York: Penguin Books. Semler, Vicki T, ed (1998). Rights of Women. International Women’s Tribune Centre. (2), 29-35. 42nd session of the Commission on the Status of Women. (March 1998). Follow-up to Beijing. No author. Retrieved on 28 April 2000 on the World Wide Web: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/followup/national/africsum.htm Word Count: 6143
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