Palestinians Fight for A hOMELAND, Geography, College Term Papers.com


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Palestinians Fight for A hOMELAND

Palestinians Fight for A hOMELAND The Palestinian refugee issue has its origins in the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 and the eruption of the Arab-Israeli war that accompanied this. During this period, some three-quarters of a million Palestinians left their homes within what was to become the state of Israel to seek refuge in the (Jordanian controlled) West Bank, the (Egyptian-controlled) Gaza Strip, Syria, Lebanon and further afield. When Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza in June 1967, a further 300,000 fled these areas for neighboring countries. (Brynan, 1998, p. ) Since the declaration of an Israeli state in 1948 and all the Arab-Israeli conflicts that have followed, the Palestinians have gradually lost their grip on what used to be their homeland and are still fighting for it today. As stated above, many fled to neighboring countries for safety, but many stayed within Israel and its Occupied Territories. According to Ewan W. Anderson, (2000, p. 112 ) after the 1967 conflict and the acquisition of more Palestinian land by the Israelis, 1.1 million Arabs fell under Israeli rule in their Occupied Territories (450,000 in the Gaza Strip and 650,000 in the West Bank). Regardless of where the Palestinian people settled, either in Israel’s occupied territories or in neighboring Arab countries; they do not have a proper state and in turn have become the largest group of refugees on the planet (Brynan, unpublished, 1998). The Palestinian population in Israel and its occupied territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip alone number over the 4 million mark (de Blij and Miller, 2000, p.315). Many involved in the peace process today believe the Palestinian refugee crisis is the main problem standing in the way of Arab-Israeli peace. “ Their plight (the Palestinians), moreover, is a profoundly political one, touching the very core of the Arab-Israeli conflict and peace process.” (Brynan, unpublished, 1998) The Arab-Israeli conflict, which has been erupting for half a century now, shows no signs of stopping any time soon. Even though there have been countless negotiations, then outbursts and vice versa, since the Middle East Peace Talks in Oslo of 1993, there is evidence that recent riots and flare-ups show tensions are mounting high, (Hockstader, October 2nd 2000). Some progress was made from those peace accords in Oslo concerning the leadership of the Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The establishment of the Palestinian Authority at that time, and its right to rule over the Gaza Strip and some cities in the West Bank was a major step in the direction of peace (de Blij and Miller, 2000, pp. 312-313). But, nonetheless, Israeli influence and control has been a major obstacle in the Palestinians becoming a sovereign people, especially in the West Bank territory. “Although Israel began a staged withdrawal from most Palestinian towns and cities in 1994, troops and border police remain on patrol or at fixed checkpoints on about 80 percent of West Bank territory” (Hockstader, September 19th 2000). Not only has the Israeli military presence over the Palestinian cities been a big issue, but the calculated and deliberate immigration of Jewish people into the West Bank, have proved that any future of a Palestine state would be difficult. According to de Blij and Miller (2000), there were only 5,000 Jews in the West Bank in 1977, but by 2000, there were about 200,000,making up about 10 percent of the population. They go on to say that this landscape of dotted Israeli and Palestinian settlements create a jigsaw of sorts that is seemingly chaotic (pp 313-314). And the Jewish settlers do not stop, they feel it is their duty to move and spread throughout these lands, to secure what is theirs and has always been theirs. In an article entitled “Jewish Settlers Refuse to Leave,” published in the Houston Chronicle on November 21st, 2000, some of the settlers themselves spoke out on their decision to stay in the West Bank. ‘“It’s not an issue for us,” said Sarah Friedman...“We’re not leaving. Nobody is thinking of leaving.”’ The woman went on to say, ‘“We are really strengthening the country... now there are hard times. Everyone’s eyes are on (us) to see if we can withstand and stay here.”’ As far as the Palestinian view, the article explains how they view the settlers as an unwelcome nuisance and the military presence that comes along with their settlements, wrecks their quality of life. In response to the increased Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza strip, among other things, many Palestinians have taken to their uprising known as the intifada, stronger than ever. The intifada, which began in 1987 as a mainly non-violent uprising, to speak out about the Israeli occupation (Anderson, 2000, p. 114), is gaining more presence recently. The Palestinians are angry over many recent, violent and forceful acts committed by the Israeli military (“Not Intifada, This Time it’s War,” 16 November 2000). Even Yassar Arafat, the president of the Palestinian authority is backing the uprising that is moving towards military methods to get their needs met. In the same article concerning the intifada as mentioned above, it is said, “...He (Arafat) is traveling the globe to ensure that his people’s ‘uprising of truth and justice’ remains high on everyone’s mind.” The Palestinians hope that by moving the violence and focusing pressure on the Israeli settlements and away from their own civilian areas, the Israeli’s will realize that they cannot continue to maintain hold of those settlements without great losses. But, the question is, can the Palestinians withstand all they have lost and will continue to lose in this battle over land? Many people have been killed in the recent conflicts, as Israeli military forces and Palestinian rioters continue to trade fire. Many times the battles take place in settlements and camps where many innocent bystanders have been killed, including women and children. “According to the UN Children’s fund, as of yesterday morning, 22 children under 18 years old had been killed and 1,000 wounded by Israeli soldiers firing tear gas, rubber-coated bullets and standard ammunition at protesters and the gunmen who are sometimes in their midst,” (Richburg, 12 October 2000). Many of these children were innocent bystanders who were in the wrong place at the wrong time. Violence broke out in late September when Ariel Sharon, a former Israeli Defense Minister and rightist Nationalist, visited a holy place in Jerusalem regarded by Jews as the holiest spot in Judaism and the third holiest spots in Islam by the Muslims. “His visit infuriated Arabs, who hold Sharon responsible for the massacre of hundreds of Palestinians by the Israeli-backed Christian Lebanese militiamen in Beirut refugee camps” (Hockstader, 30 September 2000). The violence that began in Jerusalem, killing 4 Palestinians and wounding over 200 from either side, eventually spread from the West Bank and Gaza Strip to towns and cities inside Israel itself, where it escalated even more. As the violence entered the third day, many started to wonder if negotiations could ever resume, looking at the present extent of violence and casualties. “ ‘We’re starting to ask if the Palestinians want peace,’ said Maj. Gen. Ytzak Eitan, commander of Israeli forces in the West Bank” (Hockstader, 2 October 2000). Many Israeli’s are beginning to think that this is all part of a Palestinian plan to get what they want; any way they can. According to Keith Richburg (12 October 2000), Israeli officials feel that the rising number of casualties among Palestinians is a tactic used by Palestinian leaders to gain sympathy and support in public opinion. In the same Richburg article, a Palestinian man by the name of Mustafa Barghouti countered that notion by saying that the Israel’s don’t realize that each one of the deaths by themselves provides motivation to fight. “ ‘If this goes on, no one will be able to control the situation,’ said Faisal Husseini, the top Palestinian official in Jerusalem. ‘And the people will listen to no one except those who call on them to fight,’”(Hockstader, 30 September 2000). At the heart of this matter, and the promise for any hope of peace lies in the hands of the two current leaders of these fighting people. At present, the two men in charge are Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian Authority leader Yassar Arafat. Coming off of the last few months of violence, the two have been repeatedly discussing peace negotiations, but all seem to come to a dead end. Barak, who has just begun a re-election campaign for elections that will be held next spring, seems to be stuck in a rather tough spot. He knows that any attempts he has of re-election lies in his ability to form an agreement with Arafat, and has been frantically working with officials to draw up an accord. “The idea is apparently to push hard for a fast agreement with Mr. Arafat on the borders of a Palestinian state and the fate of the Jewish settlements in the West Bank, and then, more gradually, to wrap up the most complex issues, concerning the status of Jerusalem and Palestinian refugee rights, on a state-to-state basis,” (Horovitz, 30 November 2000). But Arafat is already rejecting any discussion of further peace negotiations and many Palestinians believe it is just a selfish attempt by Barak to remain in office and they don’t believe he will actually fulfill his offers. In an article published in the Florida Times Union (1 December 2000), Palestinian officials feel the offer is just “... a political ruse intended to launch Barak’s just-declared re-election campaign.” And as Barak makes countless offers for peace to the Palestinian people, he is losing support among his own people, especially right wing members of the political Likud party. “Israel’s right faults Barak for trying to give too much to a Palestinian leadership they say is ill-willed,” (Seitz, 25 November 2000). In recent reports, as Barak learns that he is becoming unpopular within his own country, he has tried to form a union with Ariel Sharon, the right wing leader in his country. But still, things do not point towards Barak’s re-election, instead “...current polls show (former Prime Minister) Netanyahu would defeat Barak in a two-way race to lead the country, despite Barak’s overwhelming defeat of the hawkish leader in the last Israeli elections,” (Seitz, 25 November 2000). And as the political disagreements between the Palestinians and the Israeli leaders rage on, and with the uncertainty of how a new Israeli Prime Minister may act on these issues, the people wait and wonder when this will all end. Bibliography:

Word Count: 1762

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