military or diplomatic) are also more likely to succeed. States in the region will probably have stronger economic and political ties with the warring parties. Also important, neighboring states will most likely have a better understanding of the conflict and know the most effective way to cultivate negotiations (Oakley 26). In the case of Somalia, leaders of other African countries understood the nature of clan warfare and realized the problems natural in trying to demonize a popular leader (Aideed). They also understood the uselessness of trying to exclude him from the political process. The United States simply did not have sufficient understanding of the culture and native politics to put together a feasible policy (Oakley 54). Regional initiatives would also be more effective than American intervention because they minimize the likelihood of compulsory solutions. Few beings outside the United States have the political and military capability to influence a settlement; a regional solution is therefore more likely to represent genuine agreement among the parties. A good-faith agreement will not require iron-fisted enforcement or long-term pursuit to maintain peace. Furthermore, the absence of American involvement will relieve regional leaders of the shame associated with American puppets and alleviate the fears of foreign populations concerned about American hegemonic designs. U.S. intervention would wipe out all of those advantages (Snyder 203). The United States should avoid third party intervention except in cases in which there is a direct threat to national security or American vital interests. No matter how apparently appealing the foundation, third party intervention in civil conflicts generally does not work and often creates threats to U.S. security where none previously existed. In this era of multiplying regional wars, the United States must resist the urge to intervene. To do otherwise is to invite further tragedy, increa...
