y. Additionally, the clause does not suggest that equal-facility segregation is not to be allowed. Finally, the freedom from cruel and unusual punishments as outlined in the eighth amendment loses its flexibility. In this manner, a prima facie argument against the interpretive model is evident. Without the ability to move beyond the specific wording, the Court loses its authority to protect what society values as basic human rights.A fundamental question relevant to this debate is whether or not values within our society are time-enduring or changing. When the Supreme Court makes a controversial decision, does it use the text of the Constitution to legitimize principles of natural law, social norms and arrangements? Or, is it acting as an interpreter of slowly changing values and imposing its views on society through its decisions? The Constitution is not a stagnant document; it is very much alive and changing with the times. Critics argue that the amendment process was created to allow change and that the role of the Judiciary does not include the power to change stated commands in addition to that of enforcing them. However, in many cases, the amendment process is inadequate for clarification of issues of human rights. A great virtue of the non-interpretive model is that the Court has the power to strike down unconstitutional legislation that allows for the Court to preserve the rights of the people. Non-interpretation then requires the application of understood codes, yet the decision-making process is far from mechanical. Critics contest that the Court should not have the ability to interpret societal values in a given period of time. However, as has been shown, history has upheld this tradition.A number of questions now arise. Is it practically wise to place the responsibility to define and protect human rights in the hands of Supreme Court Justices? The answer lies in one’s interpretation of history. While i...
