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Eammon DeVelera

Eammon DeVelera Eamon de Valera's struggle for a sovereign nation "Sinn-ne Fianna Fail", the first line of the Irish National Anthem loosely translates "soldiers are we/whose lives are pledged to Ireland" , served as Eamon de Valera's focus throughout his life. Born on October 14th, 1882 in New York City's New York Nursery and Child's Hospital to Catherine (Kate) Coll and Vivion Juan de Valera of 61 East 41st Street, Manhattan. Eamon's mother Kate emigrated from the small town of Knockmore, inside County Limerick, and his father was born in Spain. The couple married on September 19th, 1881 in Greenville's St. Patrick' Church. Two and half years after Eamon's birth, Vivion's death forced Kate to send her young son back to Ireland in the company of her brother Ned Coll. Kate's mother, Elizabeth Coll, raised Eamon in the same small community that had nurtured his mother. De Valera's preliminary education included eight years at the National School followed by two years at Christian Brothers School in Charlesville during which he earned a scholarship to finance his further education at Blackrock College in Dublin and University College, Blackrock. Upon completion of his education, de Valera began his career as a mathematics professor. In 1908, de Valera began to pursue proficiency in the Irish language by joining the Central Branch of the Gaelic League, an organization "trying to rebuild Irish nationalism through teaching its members about the native Gaelic language and its culture". Tim Pat Coogan summed up de Valera's decision stating "everything else of importance which followed flowed from that decision: his marriage, involvement in revolution and later, his political career. Eamon met his wife, Sinead Flanagan a schoolteacher four years his senior when she tutored him in Irish and they couple married in January 1910. In 1913 he joined the Irish Volunteers, a militant group fighting for Irish sovereignty and was instrumental in the landing of guns from the Asgard in July 1914, which demonstrated de Valera's extraordinary leadership ability to the Volunteers. Eamon de Valera's background prepared him for victory in his struggle for a united Ireland free of British rule as accomplished through the Easter Rebellion, the struggle over the 1921 Treaty and the Constitution of 1937. "Having organised and trained her manhood through her secret revolutionary organisation, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and through her open military organisations, the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army, having patiently perfected her discipline, having resolutely waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she now seizes that moment . . . she strikes in full confidence of victory". The leaders of the Easter Rebellion wrote this declaration of independence when they seized control of Dublin during the Easter Rebellion of 1916. On the 24th of April, Easter Monday, Irish u rebels frustrated over the "suspension of the Irish Home Rule Bill in 1914" seized control of strategic sections of Dublin including the General Post Office, the town castle, Stephen's Green, and other central locations. Padraig Pearse, a teacher, lead over two thousand men and women against the British troops and established the provisional government of the Irish Republic through the "Poblacht Na H Eireann". The rebellion was underway despite several mishaps suffered by the resistance including the failed attempt to procure a German shipment of rifles and an order by Eoin MacNeill to cancel the movement. De Valera chose to obey the Revolutionary Council's decision and follow Pearse, his Commander in Chief, into battle on Easter Monday. De Valera's battalion was charged with securing the southeast section of the city, likely to be the site of arrival for British reinforcements. Due to MacNeill's announcement, De Valera had to contend with a manpower shortage, which forced him to focus his troops on the bridges in his area. His headquarters was spared from heavy infantry attack; instead, damages were sustained from ground troops, sniper fire and relatively light shelling. Two occurrences during the Easter Rising served to further De Valera's reputations: the defense of Mount Street Bridge and the use of a high tower neighboring his command post. The first heroic act, Malone's effort to hinder the British troops push towards Trinity College, resulted in half the British casualties incurred during the rebellion. In the second military maneuver, "de Valera ordered a party to climb the tower and send out bogus semaphore signals as if it were a command post" and "he also caused a green flag to be flown from the top of the tower". De Valera's soldierly acumen resulted in a massive British concentration of artillery fire on the de Valera's diversion. De Valera's post was the most isolated, which meant he was the last to receive Pearse's order of surrender. This gave De Valera the distinction of being the last commander to surrender his post at the conclusion of the Rising on Sunday, 30th of April. Some attribute de Valera's escape from execution to this fact, while others argue the pardon resulted from his American birth, the later the far more plausible explanation. While objectively the Easter Rising represented a defeat for the rebellion, it was a crucial move towards a free Irish republic. De Valera and the other revolutionaries drew the world's attention to England's brutal tyranny over their homeland and forced Parliament to recognize Ireland's discontent with Parliament's consider a broader Irish reign. The major victory of the Insurrection resulted from Britain's appalling executions of the Uprising's leaders, which generated a great sense of nationalism that swept the Irish countryside. The Easter Rebellion symbolized Ireland's increasing fortitude in the quest for emancipation. Eamon De Valera's second step towards the achievement of Irish sovereignty must be qualified by relevant background information. David Lloyd George, Prime Minister of Britain, responded to the rebellion by initiating negotiations with the leaders of Sinn Feinn (Irish revolutionary political party) over a possible "home rule settlement". In the fall of 1917 Eamon De Valera assumed the presidency of Sinn Feinn and the Volunteers and led the party in a boycott of Lloyd George's Irish Convention of March 1918. De Valera's boycott served to swell support for the party. After escaping from prison, De Valera assumed the presidency of the first Dail Eirann in January of 1919. After the formation of the Dail Eirann, Michael Collin's Irish Republican Army began a guerrilla war on the British government within Ireland. Lloyd George responded to the assault with the Government of Ireland Act, which created the distinct Irish parliaments of Dublin and Ulster. Upon return from fundraising efforts in America, Eamon De Valera faced the challenge of finding a peaceful resolution to the fighting while continuing the struggle for independence from Britain. The truce reached in July 1921 began the peace conferences that changed the course of Irish history. The correspondence between De Valera and Lloyd George that preceded the negotiations clearly outlined the points of contention for each party. In his first letter, responding to an invitation to attend the conference, De Valera writes "we most earnestly desire to help in bringing about a lasting peace between the peoples of these two islands, but see no avenue by which it can be reached if you deny Ireland's essential unity and set aside the principle of national self-determination". In these lines, De Valera presented the ideology that dominated his leadership in Ireland. There would be no compromise if doing so would required Ireland to forfeit it's right to national supremacy. Lloyd George, in a subsequent letter, outlined Britain's proposal of dominion status for Ireland. Agreeing to such a status would require Ireland to swear allegiance to the King, give England control over the seas surrounding Ireland, limit Ireland's armaments and assume partial responsibility for the Empire's debt. De Valera realized that while dominion status had successfully achieved some semblance of sovereignty for nations such as Canada, Australia and South Africa the proximity of Ireland to Britain would prevent such an occurrence. He replied "the Irish people's belief is that the national destiny can best be realised in political detachment, free from Imperialistic entanglements which they feel will involve enterprises out of harmony with the national character, prove destructive of their ideals and be fruitful only of ruinous wars". With these conditions in mind, De Valera and the Cabinet chose the delegates to the conference. Arthur Griffith was selected as the head of the committee largely due to his moderate stance on the alliance issue. Collins, the leader of the IRB was notably more committed to the republican ideal; however, it was conceivable that Collins might yield to the proposal of the dominion if it appeared the most logical progression towards independence for Ireland. The Cabinet and De Valera selected Robert Baron, De Valera's friend and cousin, to balance the staunch republicanism of Collins and Griffith. Two lawyers of opposite ideologies, Eamonn Duggan and George Gavan Duffy, completed the delegation. They five representatives were sent to England under the following conditions: 1. They had "full powers as defined by their credentials." 2. Prior to any final decision, the delegation would present the proposals before the Dublin Cabinet for approval. 3. Any "draft treaty about to be signed" would be presented to the Cabinet. 4. The Cabinet would be kept abreast of the negotiations. De Valera refused to join the plenipotentiaries in London on the grounds that his political influence would be needed to convince radical republicans to accept his external association proposal. De Valera saw proposal as an ideal compromise that would free Ireland from the control of the Monarchy but maintain a superficial alliance to Britain. The debate in London appeared to be at a stalemate, neither side willing to concede on the issue of allegiance to the crown, when Lloyd George resorted to threats of war and attacks on the personal character of the delegates. Lloyd George's intimidation tactics worked and the delegates signed a treaty that included an alliance to the Crown. The issue of the Treaty split the Dublin Cabinet in half, with Griffith, Collins, Barton and Cosgran arguing in favor of the Treaty and De Valera, Brugha and Stack against it. De Valera struggled to find a means to restore unity to the Dail and the country, but the immediacy of the situation prevented any such reunion and a civil war raged out of control in Ireland. As 1925 drew to a close, de Valera and the IRA were at odds on the issue and Sinn Fein was divided. The oath to the King, required of all members of the Oireactas before taking office, was the main point of discord for de Valera and he stepped down as President in March of 1926. Upon resignation, de Valera formed his own party called the Fianna Fail whose aims included a republican Ireland, a restoration of the Irish Language, a development of Irish culture, a development of an equal opportunity social system, a just distribution of land in Ireland and the general independence of for the country. "As Leader of the Opposition, de Valera's primary objective was to use every constitutional means to abolish the oath of allegiance." When Kevin O'Higgins was assassinated in 1927 the Cumann na nGaedheal lost its leader. The death allowed the Fianna Fail to gain a significant amount of seats. The representatives skirted the issue of the allegiance by signing their names bellow a copy of the pledge that they referred to as the "Empty Formula". He used the years of opposition after 1927 to attack the Free State Government on a number of economic and constitutional issues. Due to the political maneuvers of De Valera, the Fianna Fail gained an absolute majority in the election of 1932. When the Republicans came to power they freed political prisoners, built industry and significant social reforms. The most significant achievement of the new party was the abolition of the Oath of Allegiance. "Let it be made clear that we yield no willing assent to any form or symbol that is out of keeping with Ireland's right as a sovereign nation. Let us remove these forms one by one, so that this State that we control may be a Republic." Eamon De Valera delivered these words on April 23rd, 1933. He initiated this removal with the dissolution of the oath of allegiance in May 1933. He followed this achievement with two bills limiting the power of the governor-general. Another crucial measure eliminated the English courts appellate power over the decisions of Irish courts. When De Valera had congested the existing constitution with amendments, he received the new challenge with eager anticipation. Stating that the old constitution was "no longer a fit document to be regarded as the fundamental law". The most momentous "stepping stone towards freedom" achieved by de Valera's new administration was the framing of the new constitution. De Valera instructed his subordinates to draft a republican constitution that would maintain ties with Britain. The new constitution would create a president, elected at-large. De Valera put considerable effort into the possibility of a bicameral legislature, establishing a committee to investigate the matter in June 1936. The committee was divided over whom the new legislative body would represent the right of the referral of legislature to the public. De Valera supported the minority's view, which favored a body representing various professions with the ability to refer legislation to the people. In December of that year, De Valera took advantage of the Abdication crisis in England to force two pieces of legislation through the Dail. The first eradicated mention of the King and governor-general in the Free State Constitution and the second maintained the King's involvement in Ireland's foreign affairs. De Valera used the new constitution to set social principles before the State, presenting his view of a nation's responsibilities to its citizens. When the constitution was placed before the Dail the opposition's objections centered around the rights of women and the restrictions on the presidency. De Valera appeased those opposed to sections suggesting the women's role was that of homemaker and mother by amending the document to include sections on the equality of women and men. The minority who argued over the powers of the presidency were principally concerned that De Valera had designed the position with himself in mind, not realizing the superiority of the people that De Valera held intrinsic to the text. The Dail approved the constitution on June 14th. In a plebiscite "the constitution was passed by 685,105 in favor to 526,945 against" and was implemented on December 29th, 1937. The constitution created a balance between republicanism and the monarchy, democracy and theocracy, elitism and populism. De Valera's constitution was the realization of his dream of a republican Ireland. Of De Valera, Tim Coogan stated in Eamon De Valera: The Man Who Was Ireland, "As befitted a man who sometimes seemed to model his actions on the Roman Catholic doctrine of Three Divine Persons in One God, his tangible legacies are three also". Eamon De Valera's role in the Easter Rising of 1916 created his reputation of military acumen. His response to the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 demonstrated his unwavering political ideology. The crowning achievement of his political career, the Constitution of 1937, set before the eyes of Ireland De Valera's life ambition and they approved his vision for Ireland. These three accomplishments- the success of the Easter Rising, the handling of the 1921 Treaty and the creation and passage of his Constitution of 1937-justify Coogan's reference to Eamon De Valera as "The Man Who Was Ireland". Bowman, John. De Valera and The Ulster Question. New York: Claredon Press. 1982. Carroll, Joseph T. Ireland In The War Years. New York: Crane Russak and O'Toole, Michael. "Dail's first day - 80 years on." 1999. http://www.irishnews.com/k_archives/210199/politics7.html (April 12, 2000) "1913-1988: 75 Years Since the Dublin Lock-Out." N.d. http://flag.blackended.net/revolt/ws88_89/ws29-1913.html (April 04, 2000). "1916 Easter Rebellion." N.d. http://inac.org/history/1916.html (April 04, 2000). "1916 The Rising." N.d. http://users.bigpond.com/kirwilli/1916 (April 04, 2000). "Eamon De Valera" N.d. http://www.irlgov.ie/aras/devalera.htm (April 12, 2000). " Irish Statesman Eamon De Valera Biography." N.d. http://geocities/CapitolHill/Lobby/5598/valera9.htm (April 04,2000). Coogan, Tim Pat. Eamon De Valera: The Man Who Was Ireland. New York: Harper Edwards, Owen Dudley. Eamon de Valera. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of Longford, The Earl of and Thomas P. O'Neill. Eamon De Valera. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1971. Mac Manus, M.J. Eamon de Valera. Chicago: Ziff Davis Publishing Co., 1946. "Eamon De Valera." N.d. www.clarelibrary.ie/eloas/coclare/people/eamon.htm (April 12, 2000) "Irish Proclamation of Independence." N.d. http://ireland.iol.ie/dluby/proclaim.htm (April 12, 2000) "The Irish Revolution." N.d. http://shrike.depaul.edu/sconneel/dev.htm (April 4,2000) "Neo-colonial Ireland." N.d. http://www.freespeech.org/republicansf/nci2 (April 12, 2000) "Official Correspondence relating to the Peace Negotiations." N.d.. http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900003.007/text001 (April 4, 2000) Bibliography: Works Cited Coogan, Tim Pat. Eamon De Valera: The Man Who Was Ireland. New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1993. Edwards, Owen Dudley. Eamon de Valera. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1987. Longford, The Earl of and Thomas P. O'Neill. Eamon De Valera. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1971. Mac Manus, M.J. Eamon de Valera. Chicago: Ziff Davis Publishing Co., 1946. "Eamon De Valera." N.d. www.clarelibrary.ie/eloas/coclare/people/eamon.htm (April 12, 2000) "Irish Proclamation of Independence." N.d. http://ireland.iol.ie/dluby/proclaim.htm (April 12, 2000) "The Irish Revolution." N.d. http://shrike.depaul.edu/sconneel/dev.htm (April 4,2000) "Neo-colonial Ireland." N.d. http://www.freespeech.org/republicansf/nci2 (April 12, 2000) "Official Correspondence relating to the Peace Negotiations." N.d.. http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900003.007/text001 (April 4, 2000)

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