nd, civic intolerance and violence also appearedless prevalent. It is true, of course, that some immigrantsespecially enemyalienssuffered harsh treatment and the loss of a certain amount of legalprotections. Yet in Rossland there were no reported episodes of physicalassaults and violence was not threatened so long as enemy aliens "kept theiropinions to themselves." There also appeared to be more room to debate thecourse of the war and even to criticize the war effort (within limits) asindicated in the heated debates surrounding the issue of conscription. Thatpassions nevertheless ran high was revealed by (1) the breaking up andobstruction of meetings and (2) the numerous individual defections fromexisting civic groups in order to express and defend the individual'sperceived sense of overriding obligation or loyalty to the state and nation. Finally, in comparison to Park City, the radical labor movement in Rosslandwas given comparatively more room for maneuver by the state and especially bycitizens. Members of the miners' union in Rossland, for example, votedoverwhelmingly to absolve their relationship with the more conservative MineMill, and affiliated with the more radical OBU, with virtually no evidence ofpublic expressions of outrage. This should not be taken to mean that therewas somehow widespread legitimacy or acceptance of radical labor activity. Like the issue of participation, the difference in the toleration ofradicalism is a matter of degree, as radical labor was certainly not approvedof by state agencies, supported generally in the Rossland press, or likelylooked upon favorably by all citizens, especially returned soldiers. Compared, however, to Park Citywhere several assaults were reported,physical intimidation expressed, and the red flag banned from displaythelevels of intolerance and threats of violence were not as great. The same basic duality of national and imperial identificationexisted in Ireland as ...
