ingle issue restraining the peace factions in Japan. After consulting with Joseph Grew and Harry Hopkins, who both believed that Japan was already on the verge of defeat, Admiral Leahy recommenced to Truman on 18 June 1945 that the demand for unconditional surrender be modified. Truman commented that he would think about it, but voiced concern over "public opinion on this matter."(35) Secretary of Stimson concurred, and in his 2 July 1945 memorandum to Truman he wrote that he advised adding the clause that while the United States demanded a "peacefully inclined government," they would "not exclude a constitutional monarchy under [Japan's] present dynasty."(36) In the end Truman did not accept this recommendation, and the Potsdam Deceleration was released without any mention of the Japanese emperor.(37) Truman made this decision because he feared that such a modification might "embolden the Japanese to fight on for better terms."(38) Ironically, when Japan's surrender was accepted on 14 August, the emperor was allowed to remain in power. Thus, this alternative to dropping the bomb was eventually embraced, but only after the bombs were dropped, when it was no longer an alternative. Since these alternatives were not explored by Truman and his officials, we will never know if the atomic bombs were indeed a savior of lives. Still, it remains possible to consider hypothetical situations. Let us assume that Truman explored the two major alternatives above, and perhaps the three others as well. The first possibility is that the alternatives might have been successful before 1 November 1945(39). In this case the bombs were not savior of lives, but rather robbed Japan of as many as 240,000 innocent citizens.(40) The second possibility is that the alternatives would have failed, and the November invasion would have proceeded as planned. To decide if the bomb would have been a savior of lives had the alternative failed, we must guess how many Ameri...
