he NRA's blessing, that called for less thorough background checks for buyers at gun shows. Dingell's bill attracted more than 40 vulnerable Democrats, who could avoid the wrath of the gun lobby but still tell constituents they voted for gun control. The plan also reaped unexpected rewards. When Republicans—who thought even the compromise was too tough—killed the bill, they handed House Democrats, and Al Gore, a powerful campaign theme to use against the GOP in the upcoming election. Ironically, even Dingell himself voted against the bill he authored (Newsweek, June 1999).President Clinton made phone calls to appeal to 14 conservative "blue dog" Democrats and moderate Republicans. He got 12 of them. One of those who ultimately snubbed Clinton was Congressman Nick Lampson, a Texas Democrat who watched his powerful predecessor, Jack Brooks, get taken down after the 1994 gun vote. Lampson wasn't about to repeat the mistake. "From the time I ran, it was clear that I would vote to protect the rights of all citizens to buy and bear arms," Lampson said in an interview. (Newsweek, June 1999)It's hard to blame vulnerable Democrats for taking cover. It's a common misperception that the NRA's power derives from its money. The real muscle of the group is its tenacious membership. Its members will mobilize; they'll join together and lobby by calling, writing, and sending faxes. They've certainly had plenty of practice. June’s gun vote was just the latest in a long string of NRA victories. In 1968, with some 70 percent of the public supporting stepped-up gun control, the NRA thwarted President Johnson's call for registering all guns. Congress did manage to ban the import of lethal junk guns known as Saturday night specials, but domestic manufacturers rushed to fill the void. Four years later, the NRA helped kill a bill that would have banned Saturday night specials altogether. In 1986 the NRA worked to weaken a ban on s...
