from the propagation of pornography. The relative success at achieving remedies from OHRC provisions, as compared to the reluctance of the government to permit the exercise of the Criminal Code provisions, indicates that retaining a civil right of action for individuals will be the strategically better move for feminists insofar as they are seeking redress. I shall leave discussion of whether this is a tenable feminist political strategy for dealing with pornography for a later part of the paper. It may be objected that the fact that our legal tradition is capable of making sense of the notion of a quasi-social harm, and thus could provide the judiciary with the conceptual tools to adjudicate on a modified version of the ordinance, does not imply that the modified ordinance and its conception of harm is acceptable in a liberal framework. A liberal framework may demand individuated harms, and the fact that our existing legal framework can work outside that limitation simply demonstrates that liberalism is not at the root of our legal framework's evolving notion of harm. Thus, the ordinance may still be seen by liberals as incoherent, or worse, to invoke an illegitimate conception of non-individuated rights and afford state enforced remedies for illegitimate purposes. This liberal argument may be theoretically tenable, and thus the "bleak" picture I painted may still apply insofar as we favour a liberal legal framework. Furthermore, the powerful liberal arguments concerning freedom of speech may override the concern for the kind of harm contained in the ordinance. Perhaps because the alleged harm has not been demonstrably linked to the propagation of pornography, or is not a harm in the liberal sense, but an expression of a preference, a liberal framework could not permit the ordinance since it is an undue restriction on free expression. My response to this is twofold. First, given that protection from harm is gener...
