sed on education in their political pasts (Nagourney 2, 1998). Schumer and D'amato responded to the public's wishes and both aimed at capturing the support of the broadest number of voters, neither of them willing to risk overlooking such an important issue. Schumer, who touted a classically democratic education plan, threatened D'amato who consequently went full force with a plan of his own (Dolman, 1998). D'amato, the incumbent was supported by the Republican Party, but his campaign tactics were a little more aggressive than many of his republican supporters had hoped. Contrastly, Schumer was strongly supported by his party and stuck to their values concerning most issues. D'amato moved to blamed the shortcomings of the public school's on teachers' unions (Nagourney 2, 1998). By challenging the unions, he provoked the wrath of the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), knowing he would not have gained their support anyway. His headstrong, aggressive manner of campaigning became clear when he supported mandatory testing to ensure teacher competency, renewable rather than lifelong tenure, and pay based on merit. This was an open attack on teachers, and stirred much opposition among them. D'amato also knew that he wouldn't be supported by teachers and proceeded with his full-fledged attack on them. As a result he was depicted as somewhat of an enemy of public education, but also as taking a distinctive, fresh, yet gutsy, view on a crucial issue in an attempt to give himself an edge in the competitive campaign (Dolman, 1998). He also openly opposed Schumer and the Democratic Party in supporting government funded vouchers to offset tuition at private and parochial schools. D'amato's popularity increased for a short time during his ads supporting this and his evidence of voucher's benefits from a study done in New York City's public school system. With all of his tough campaigning, wily strategies, and massive fund-raising attempts...
