rgatroyed (1977) are careful to show that the schools served a relatively homogeneous community with very small differences in the social class composition of the people who live in the catchment areas of the different schools. Yet the study finds that patterns of deviancy and attendance vary greatly between different schools within this homogeneous catchment area. The suggestion is that the schools themselves play at least some parts in causing these variable rates. Rutter (1979), investigating 12 Inner London schools reach much the same conclusion. This research has been questioned. Galloway (1985) draws attention to the small numbers of pupils examined in the Carroll study ranging between 17 and 60. His main objection though is that there may have been a significant heterogeneity in the social backgrounds of the children despite the care taken to show their homogeneity. He concedes that there may be some truth in the results but stresses what he believes are the methodological difficulties in demonstrating the differences between schools are due to factors within the schools and not to factors in their catchment areas. “Another reason, though why such research is often questioned indeed why it forms so small a part of the total of the research into truancy is that it disturbs many of the researchers most basic assumptions. It has been suggested that irrespective of how good the evidence may be, the choice of where mainly to seek evidence has been prompted by considerations other than pure academic curiosity. There is the persistent belief that schooling is good. Reynolds et. Al (1980) suggested how hard it is, on ideological grounds for many educational researchers to accept that it may not be good. This reluctance may at times have been increased by professional self – interest. Reynolds et. al (1980) for example describes how what might have been an interesting survey at how schools generate delinquency was frustrated i...
