pril 27, the students enjoyed a major victory when the government agreed to meet with them and listen to their demands. On April 28, the government conceded another demand and gave local newspapers permission to cover the political unrest. The student who was the leader of the Federation of Beijing University Students, Wuer Kaixi, debated the Prime Minister, Li Peng, on national television. The government was taking a very conciliatory tone in all of its public statements. Government officials actually allowed themselves to be questioned publicly about the alleged corruption. To the young, and for the most part, inexperienced students it looked as if the impossible was happening the government teetered on the brink it looked as if it would capitulate. A second meeting was set up between the student activist and government officials on April 30. Zhao Ziyang had been on a diplomatic trip to Korea during this time. He returned to China just as the government really started to get desperate and instituted marshal law. The government essentially was frozen after the institution of marshal law for two weeks while Ziyang and Deng confronted each other over what to do next. Ziyang cautioned against violence, but Deng and other government leaders were absolutely certain that by threatening the authority of the Communist party if they did not act boldly the entire country would be thrown into chaos. The wholesale massacre of the student demonstrators started around 6 p.m. on the evening of June 3, 1989. The decision to use violence against the Chinese people was not made rashly, or within the context of some violent emotional response. Meisner writes, rather, it was a coldly deliberate decision that Deng and his old comrades were determined to carry out...They thus ignored one opportunity after another to peacefully resolve the crisis because they were intent on terrorising the population, they wanted to punish the people for their transgressions...
