o understands the process.” It cannot be denied that all Presidents in the modern era have used the press to their advantage at one point or another during their presidency. In effect by making the public see what he wants them to see about his foreign policy (emphasizing certain aspects and leaving out others), the president can “manufacture” consent for his actions. During the Gulf crisis a viewer was barraged with images of “smart weapons” consistently hitting their targets, there was only an occasional report on when bombs hit the wrong targets. Also when the President forms his policy or addresses the public he can choose his words as such as to suggest why his policy or action is the correct one by inserting such symbolic words as “American” or “humane”. Lippmann argues this point on page 156 when he says, “Trusted men in familiar roles subscribing to the accepted symbols can go a very long way on their won initiative without explaining the substance of their programs.”Finally another reason why Lippmann’s questions the President’s power in foreign policy issues is the operating structure of Congress (the main body to check his foreign policy powers). He gives an example where an argument in the Senate starts regarding the use of American ships without the authorization of the American Navy. At one point the argument got so jumbled up that fact could not be separated from fiction. This lack of accurate, and uncolored accounts is what paralyzes Congressional ability to overlook the President’s foreign policy efforts just as it corrupts our picture of events. The President comes to the aid of Congress by addressing them at the State of the Union speech but he can tell Congress what he chooses. He cannot be heckled and the censorship as to what is compatible with the public interest is in his hands. In addition when the President ma...
