The Study of Political Science
Weber (p. 2 of 4) conceptualizes dependent variables as phenomena contrasted to an "ideal of natural order", contrasting capitalism to this natural order of things and focusing on the ways in which meaning was identified by two different groups. He rejected alternatives based on his argument from meaning, rejecting individual selection, class materialism, and other interpretations of meaning. In other words, Weber took a set of assumptions which may or may not have been true in the sense of demonstrable, measurable "fact" and "data" and then, based on these assumptions, created a theory of how and why a certain type of economic activity emerged in a certain place and among groups with a particular religious orientation (and, conversely, not in another place among a disparate group of people).

Further, Weber (1 of 3) argues that a collective property of society shapes the individual and his conduct, eliminating the problem of aggregation. For example, Weber (p. 55) stated "In order that a manner of life so well adapted to the peculiarities of capitalismashould come to dominate others, it ha to originateanot in isolated individuals alone, but as a way of life common to whole groups of men." Meaning, as attributed under a single no

 

Weber (2 of 3) goes on to explain the "large in the small" by claiming universal significance for a localized phenomena. His view is inherently Eurocentric, focused on a single social, economic and political event or shift, and ignores the fact that what is culturally unique may not be universally significant. The argumentative style and the content of his text is almost entirely meaning-driven, with the encounter between the text (in this instance Protestantism and its doctrine and dogma) and the individual as the driving force in social organization and economic activity.

examining two different religio-cum-social systems and their development economically, with the substitution

Anderson, with a modern argument from a new approach to meaning, believes that the problem of aggregation does not confront a theory at the level of society -- a departure from other modern and classical theorists, for whom some level of aggregation was essential. Anderson joins with Weber in comparing cases but not abstractions -- and thus departing from Marx and Schumpeter. Using case examples, sets of cases are examined.

Schumpeter's argument is from individuals, concerning what action accomplishes rather than what drives action or what it means. He almost agrees with Marx on meaning (and its lack of significance), but debates the viability of "class interest" and calls it little more than a meaning supplied by an individual and not an explanation (Schumpeter, p. 154). He aggregates by means of selection (a Darwinian method). Schumpeter (p. 107) shares with Marx the difficulty of a non-experimental analysis or "station" and hence he admits that "there is no way of proving, beyond the possibility of doubt, their adequacy to produceathe observed development of output."

Barbara Geddes, another "modern," offers a theory of costs and benefits and was influenced by Schumpeter with respect to her identification of four types of political "entrepreneurs (Geddes, 1 of 6). The

 
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    Max Weber | Weber Schumpeter | Marx Weber | Weber Marx | Schumpeter Using | Geddes Anderson | Joseph Schumpeter | Barbara Geddes | Specifically Weber | Benedict Anderson | dependent variable | argument class | dependent variables | marx weber | independent variables | phenomena contrasted ideal | argument meaning | independent variable | social economic | contrasted ideal | variable independent | dependent variable independent | contrasted ideal natural | variable independent variables | constructed phenomena contrasted |  
   
 
 
 
   
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