Since its inception, the Klan has stood for white supremacy. This was a popular view by many in the Old South, and the Klan found plenty of support with disenfranchised soldiers, and former slave owners. However, many authors point to the fact that the Klan found its most vehement support in the poor, uneducated White population of the South, many of whom had lost small farms or plots of land in the Reconstruction.

By the late 1800s, the Klan had become enough of a force to exert some limited influence in the political spectrum of Southern politics. For example, in the 1868 election, the Klan supported New York Governor Horatio Seymore against war hero General Ulysses S. Grant. Klan methods included various kinds of intimidation. Their threats were printed in local newspapers, posted on trees, or on town bulletin boards. They warned Grant supporters (Republicans) to either leave town or stay home on election day. Since there was no secret ballot at the time, the Klan's methods were somewhat effective, in particular the type of violence they used against the new Black electorate. Although Grant won the election, the pattern was now set that the Klan could have political influence, especially in the South.3

By the 1920s, the Klan has spread to 4

Failing to prove firstdegree murder, the verdict came back for all as notguilty. Yet the Communist Workers Party further exacerbated the political situation by issuing a press release that stated: "This disgusting verdict will outrage the American people. This is a green light for Klan and Nazis to run the streets of this country to terrorize and kill . . .. There is no justice under capitalism., We demand people's justice. We demand: Death to all 40 Klan, Nazi and government assassins."20

22 David M. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism, (New York: Franklin Watts, 1981), 4203.

Guilty." The New York Times (7 November 1979): A23.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation was indeed called into the case, and gave the codename of Greenkil to one of the most extensive civil rights investigations ever attempted. Newstapes seized by law enforcement officials showed that a Greensboro police detective followed the Klansmen to the rally, he was powerless to stop the crime. With all that evidence, it seemed likely that North Carolina's courts would be able to enter an immediate, guilty verdict for Klan members.

8 Wayne King, "14 Denied Bond Slayings of Foes of Klan at Rally," The New York Times (6 November 1979): A16.