Scott Cummings' Essays with Critical Responses
The profitability of sports to owners and laborers is so high that such investments are strictly a matter of the public subsidizing private enterprise with only limited returns on the investment. Moore and Squires analysis of the effectiveness of Industrial Revenue Bonds (IRBs) suffers from a lack of data, as they acknowledge. But their study indicates that the return on this type of direct subsidizing of businesses is minimal (reluctance to produce figures is indicative of this in its own right). They conclude that IRBs that are handed out without being part of an overall economic plan, and without guarantees from companies, are a poor reinvestment tool. But controlled use of IRBs may be effective.

On the social costs of the relationship between private sector investment and urban locales, Feagin treats the costs of fast growth with a relatively weak local government in the case of Houston while Hill and Indergaard study the effects of the steel industry's deinvestment in the "Downriver" section of metropolitan Detroit. The two articles reflect the drawbacks on both sides of the eager rush of private business from its old centers with their high taxes and heavy unionization to the lightly regulated Sunbelt states. Both cases provide ample demonstration of the need for greater regulation and the shortcomings of allowing businesses too much leeway in setting the

 

Several writers discuss the relationship between business elites and local government and several add the element of grassroots movements that attempt to influence development. Neubeck and Ratcliff's discussion of the problems of Hartford focuses on what became the typical case for many cities as deindustrialization was followed by the renewal of downtown areas as service centers. The, primarily white, employees of booming downtown businesses live in suburbs and a ring of stagnating inner city neighborhoods surround the prosperous downtown areas. In their analysis of Hartford the authors carefully detail how the refusal of corporate elites to create linkages demanded by neighborhood activists cannot easily be countered by local government. As they note, in the new service economy it is far too easy for companies simply to pack up and move. Local governments simply have no leverage against real estate developers and corporations beyond the pressures that can be exerted by activists. But the limits of activism are made clear by Daykin's analysis of Santa Monica's activist-controlled city government. Their success in requiring developers to offset the effects of development on poor neighborhoods was linked to the kinds of consumer issues (e.g., better air and water quality) that would not involve a significant number of voters on a permanent basis and the ability of poorer neighborhoods to be effective without the support of middle-class liberal political activism was doubtful. In addition, the fortunes of reform were directly tied to the fortunes of developers which, considering the exaggerated quality of the boom in California real estate, was a shaky foundation. Indeed it was only in Chicago, where the business elites and the local government were not tightly bound together that there was any sign that private enterprise's exploitation of the city could be turned to the benefit of all neighborhoods. Though this was an extremely limited sort of success it
 
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    Hill Indergaard | Urban Development | Auto Workers' | Neubeck Ratcliff's | Santa Monica's | Bonds IRBs | Indeed Chicago | Conference DCC | Downriver Detroit | Cummings Ed | business elites | private sector | local government | hill indergaard | urban development | social costs | business elites urban | authors discuss | private enterprise | urban ills | lax regulation | elites urban development | elites local government | business elites local |  
   
 
 
 
   
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