Japanese-American Relations
While American criticisms of Japan have a similar flavor to those of the last two decades -- still accusing Japan of having an ingrown system that is resistant to reform and impervious to its effects on the rest of the world -- the concern now is not Japanese dominance but Japanese drift.

The chief immediate cause of Japanese-American tension is the East Asian economic crisis that began in the summer of 1997. In the words of one observer, "from Washington's perspective, the relationship has frayed because Tokyo has failed to keep up its end of an unspoken understanding. The United States guarantees regional security and maintains an open market for exports from the entire region -- Japan included. In turn, Japan should be the locomotive for Asian growth" (Melby, 1998). In the 1970s and 1980s, the pervasive American fear was that the Japanese locomotive would roll over the US economy; now the American concern is that the locomotive is stalled, and liable to be pulled backward.

Other factors influence the relationship, such as Japanese uncertainty regarding US policy toward China (Melby, 1998), or the continuing question of how to deal with North Korea. However, the Japanese-American relationship has for several decades been driven and shaped primarily by economic factors, and the turnabout in the relationship during the Clinton era has been due lar

 

Elements of the cultural anxiety and mind-set that pervaded Japanese-American relations in the 1980s have left some curious lingering relics. In his 1996 Reform Party bid for the Presidency, Ross Perot chose as his running mate author Pat Choate, who had made his name for books harshly critical of Japanese trade policy. In 1992, Choate might have been a shrewd choice (certainly far more so than the hapless Admiral Stockdale), but in the renewed prosperity of 1996, his message of alarm fell on deaf ears. Another cultural relic was a long-running advertisement that was being still being aired on CNN in 1998. The ad, by General Electric, called attention to the purchase of a GE power generator system by the Tokyo power company, and featured such scenes as American and Japanese engineers bowing to one another. The intended message was clear: America, as personified by GE, could indeed win the respect of the Japanese; Americans were not after all fat, lazy, hapless failures.

gely to changes in their respective economic positions -- or, perhaps even more, to changes in the American (if not Japanese) perception of those positions.

Smith, P. (1998). "Remembering Japan: A Bilateral History." Washington Quarterly (Winter, 1998), 121-36.

With some understatement, the writer goes on to note that "Perhaps understandably, Japan's political leaders are loath to do what needs to be done and take offense at the sometimes blunt advice from Washington." In fact, as was suggested earlier, the calls for Japanese reform, on both sides of the Pacific, not infrequently seem driven by particular agendas. Thus, for example, the quotation from former Prime Minister Miyazawa, cited above, is followed by an enumeration of reforms that amounts to a sweeping wish list for economic deregulation (Miyazawa, et al., 1998, 149-53). Even more revealing in this regard, perhaps, is the program offered by a so-called US-Japan 21st Century Committee. This program, like Miyazawa's,

 
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    East Asian | Japan American | Committee GE's | Americans Smith | Correspondingly Japanese | Japanese Americans | Brock Sakaiya | Americans Japanese | Japan United | War II | japanese-american relations | asian economic crisis | 21st century | washington quarterly | 1970s 1980s | melby 1998 | smith 1998 | asian economic | brock sakaiya | economic crisis | century committee | 21st century committee | washington quarterly winter | brock sakaiya 1998 | quarterly winter 1998 |  
   
 
 
 
   
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