According to the article, as low-wage jobs such as domestic service, making garments, and other piecework increases for women, there has been a decrease in employment for men. This makes the wage that the woman earns in a family even more important, even though it is usually much lower than the male's wage. One of the reasons that women mobilized and networked for greater equality in this area is that culturally, taking care of the home is the woman's responsibility. Since these women feel unable to live up to their obligations as wives and mothers, they feel that it is acceptable to protest. In the process of fighting for their families, many of them realized that only in fighting for themselves, or in fighting for "democracy in the home" (p. 238) as well as in the state, will they be able to help give their families a better living.
Another interesting element to the movement is the involvement of the Catholic Church. According to Safa, there has been some disagreement between the official stance of the Vatican and that of the local churches, which believe in liberation theology and have organized ecclesiastic base communities (CEBs) to help support the grass-roots movement (p. 231). There is also disagreement areas such as that of family planning. It is within these communities, however, that women of all class levels come together and feel solidarity (p. 231). As a result, these CEBs have become unofficial networks for aid when women needed to legitimize their right to protest as a wife and mother as well as a place to go for solace when they had been signaled out for sexual torture (p. 231).
Although the involvement of the Catholic Church and the evolution of the women in the social movements are interesting, I find it even more interesting that, even in Catholic countries that seem to protest the use of cont