Saddam Hussein
Richard Butler argues, ôSaddamÆs fundamental goal is to retain his own power and position . . . [which] does explain a great deal about the system of terror and patronage he runs in Iraq and the extraordinary wall of security he has built around himselfö (xvii-xviii). In 1988, an Iraqi village called Halabja tried to revolt against Saddam. He destroyed the entire town. It is no longer on the map. In 1991, he killed 30,000 people in Al Najaf to prevent them from turning against him. These kinds of actions help to keep others who would fight him within his country silent.

Those Iraqis who have escaped fear for the lives of their friends and family who remain behind. I know many of these refugees here in the United States. I do not know of a single one who wants Saddam to remain in power. I do not know of a single one who believes that any citizen under SaddamÆs control will ever be safe. My friends here estimate that about 90 percent of the Iraqi population is against Saddam, but they cannot speak out for fear of death or torture. For human rights abuses against his people alone, Saddam should be removed from power.

Saddam is not the only dictator in the world who uses his position to kill, terrorize, and maintain control over the people within his country. However, he is one of the few who is reckless enough to go outside his borders. He invaded my country, Kuwait, in 1990, trying to take over the count

 

The United States came close to getting rid of Saddam once before. The Gulf War was a strong effort to end his regime. Unfortunately, the job was not finished. Charles W. Freeman Jr., President of the Middle East Policy Council, argues, ôThe failure to translate a stunning military defeat of SaddamÆs forces in Kuwait in 1991 into a political humiliation for him is what has left him in powerö (Laipson 1). In the time since then, Saddam has grown more powerful and more sure that he cannot be defeated. He has come to believe that no one else in the world has his same reckless lack of fear. He has come to believe that he can do as he pleases without answering to anyone.

Ending SaddamÆs regime may actually have some benefits in a region of the world that is already unstable. Patrick L. Clawson observes that a change in regime would be likely to make Israel more willing to make other compromises toward Middle East peace: ôAn Israel that is more relaxed about its eastern front is likely to be more prepared to make some concessions on the West Bank on security matters. This would also make it easier for Israel to consider what can be done about the Golanö (Laipson 7).

While backing him into a corner might make him more likely to use these weapons, allowing him to keep them and hide them makes him a continuing danger. Venter contends, ôIraq has tended to be devious throughout the inspection periodö (51). Those who argue for time to inspectors to do their work overlook the fact that Saddam has been very good about keeping inspections from showing anything at all.

Rothschild also observes that declaring war on Saddam will weaken American connections with current allies and cause havoc in the Muslim world, especially among nations that already have shaky relationships with the United States. Yet, SaddamÆs connections are mostly with the terrorist fringe. This action may encourage more attempts to wage terror on Americans, but many of these groups and

 
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    Some topics in this essay  
 
    Saddam Hussein | Al Najaf | Matthew Rothschild | Golanö Laipson | Al Venter | Amnesty InternationalÆs | Richard Butler | Policy Council | Iraq Iraq | United SaddamÆs | mass destruction | saddam hussein | middle east | weapons mass destruction | weapons mass | war saddam | east policy | middle east policy | east policy 63 | global security | chemical biological | able afford | policy 63 1999 | human rights |  
   
 
 
 
   
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