Walls, C.T. (1992, Summer). The role of church and family support in the lives of older African Americans. Generations, 16, pp. 33 36. The distinction between entitlement and fairness appears to be played out in part in the black churches. Particularly in regard to the difference between views such as Steele's and those of Farrakhan, who promotes the idea of reparations and black power, can be seen the potential dilemma confronting a black church that claims legitimacy for its social critique as its raison d'etre, a point to which we shall return. Today's black leaders, whether secular or religious, differ with those of Dr. King's era, not in the overarching strategy of complete social and economic equality with the mainstream, but in the tactics employed to achieve ends, and in some measure in the philosophy driving those goals. For example, whereas Jesse Jackson marched with Dr. King in the streets during the 1960s with a view toward achieving social change, in the 1980s he ran for president with the same object in view. In the 1950s and 1960s, blacks had recourse to the federal courts to redress grievances but hardly to the legislature or to executive offices, which they could not help elect. Today, black federal judges are a fact of life, and many blacks hold elective office at federal, state, and local government levels. To put it another way, the agenda of the social critique led by the black church in earlier decades has in some measure been enacted. Louis Farrakhan first came to national prominence in the mid -1980s, as spokesman on a wide range of issues for NOI. One feature of his message was that of economic empowerment for black Americans (Monroe, 1987). He received praise from prominent black leaders, including black clergymen, mainly in regard to his advocacy of black economic power. For example, he shared with Malcolm the fierce desire that the black American reclaim his racial pride, his joy in himself and his race . . . He shar |
