The Bosnian Civil War
Later the Serbian campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo brought about direct NATO intervention, leading ultimately to the fall of the Milosevic regime. However, this chain of events was never imagined at Dayton.

Nevertheless, the Dayton peace accord was not formulated in a political vacuum. It is not possible to fully evaluate either the objectives of the Accords or their success or failure in meeting those objectives without viewing them in the context of the events that led up to them. This is particularly the case, perhaps, in the Balkans, where historical memory is extremely intense if not necessarily accurate. To take an example drawn from another facet of the Balkans conflict of the 1990s, Serbia's determination to hold onto Kosovo was very much bound up with memory of the Battle of Kosovo in the 14th century.

The battle -- an Ottoman Turkish victory over the Serbs -- looms vastly large in the Serbian national self-image, and it was as much because of that long-ago battlefield as for any more immediate reason that Slobodan Milosevic was able to make Kosovo a central element of his nationalist propaganda. We will not attempt here to detail Balkan history back to the 14th century or beyond, but that history is so central to the background of the Dayton Peace Accords and their provisions that it must be taken into account [Deak 38-39].

 

Various individual countries also had specific interests related to the Bosnian civil war. France and Russia had deep historical ties to Serbia, in part because of the events that led up to World War I, but also going back to the same medieval crusading tradition that loomed so large in Serbian national consciousness. On the other hand, Turkey felt a special concern for the Bosnian Muslims, whose ancestors had converted to Islam during the era of Turkish rule [Embassy of the Republic of Turkey np]. Worldwide, Muslim organizations have also shown an ongoing concern for the fate and conditions of the Bosnian Muslims [Islam Online np].

He would also use similar methods to pursue his ethnic nationalist agenda in neighboring regions of the former Yugoslavia -- particularly in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The police-state security apparatus created during the Tito era was well-suited to the purpose of organizing, arming, and guiding paramilitary groups of nationalist thugs. These groups would commit a large proportion of the human-rights abuses that were perpetrated in Bosnia during the period leading up to the Dayton Peace Accords. Thus, in turn, they would be a major issue for the judicial component of the Accords.

An Agenda for Bosnia's Next High Representative. Democratization Policy Institute, 2002.

Borneman, John; Fisher, Linda; and Gamdzic, Elvir Gamdzic. Death of the Father: Tito and Yugoslavia. Cornell University, 1998. http://cidc.library.cornell.edu/dof/yugoslavia/yugo.htm

Internal Armed Conflict. kosovocommission.org/reports/2.pdf

Likewise, the course of events in Bosnia and the Balkans as a whole cannot be blamed simply on the Serbs. If Serbians have been charged with the preponderant number of human-rights abuses, this is essentially reflective of the fact that they were the largest ethnic group, and linked to the region's most powerful state. The bulk of the former Yugoslavian military and security apparatus fell into Serb hands by default

 
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    Dayton Accords | Criminal Tribunal | Law Jungle | Palmer Posa | Bosnian Serb | Serbs Croats | Peace Accords | Chiefs Staff | Slobodan Milosevic | Europe Justice | human rights | dayton accords | war crimes | palmer posa | peace accords | dayton peace | international community | peacekeeping duty | dayton peace accords | civil war | rights chamber | human rights chamber | bosnian civil war | fall milosevic regime | human rights violations |  
   
 
 
 
   
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