oblems" partly on "the administrative-edict system of economic management...developed on Korean soil at Moscow's bidding, on Soviet lines...Its innate defects still bind [Pyongyang's] productive forces hand and foot." Moscow Pravda, August 6, 1990, in FBIS Daily Report/Soviet Union, August 10, 1990, p.10. 4 Hahm Pyong Choon, "National Division and the Olympics," Choson Ilbo [Seoul], October 25,1981; and Kulloja [Pyongyang], July 1986, pp.74-77. 5 For what the temporary "suspension" means, see Engagement below. The March 12 announcement was foreshadowed by Pyongyang's argument at a February 1990 meeting of the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), hinting at a possible North Korean withdrawal from the NPT rather than accepting safeguards inspection. Andrew Mack, "North Korea: The Nuclear Card," Far Eastern Economic Review, May 31, 1990, p.24; and Lee Chang Choon, The Half-Century of South Korean Diplomacy Revisited. Seoul: Nanam, 1993, p. 179. [in Korean]. 6 It is unclear whether the anti-nuclear card included a North Korea's intention to make its own bomb and, if it did, when the North began its program in earnest. An unconfirmed report suggests that Kim Il Sung's nuclear ambitions can be traced back to the 1950s. A Japanese specialist maintains, without offering evidence, that in 1959, Kim Il Sung wrote to Mao Tse-tung proposing a "joint nuclear development; Mao is said to have declined. Kim tried again in 1964, when China succeeded in its "nuclear development program"--this time Kim asked if China could "share" its data on "nuclear bomb development" and uranium samples with North Korea. China turned him down, with a reminder that North Korea would be covered under a Chinese "nuclear umbrella," according to Katsuichi Tsukamoto, "Kim Jong Il's Recklessness," Shokun [Tokyo], May 1993, p.l88. 7 Such control includes freedom from any Soviet or Chinese meddling. A Japanese specialist maintains (citing an unidentified, Toky...
