A RAND Note. Santa Monica: RAND, 1992, p.20. This source, citing South Korean reports, refers to military aid in four areas: an increase in "outright" aid from $300 to $600 million; an increase in military sales from $0.6 to $1 billion; training of 5,000 North Korean military specialists in China; and "a promise" to sell Beijing's "most modern missiles" to Pyongyang. 23 "National Unification Board Urges More DPRK Trade To Counter Japan," Seoul YONHAP in English, February 10, 1993, as carried in FBIS Daily Report/East Asia, February 10, 1993, p.21. 24 A senior Japanese government official is quoted as saying that Pyongyang's decision to stay in the NPT without allowing international acceptance would be "totally useless." Asahi Shimbun, June 13, 1993. In Seoul, President Kim Young Sam said, June 12, 1993, that he would not accept Pyongyang's recent proposal for a summit conference unless the nuclear inspection issue is resolved. The Korea Herald, June 13,1993, p.2. In the last several years, given Seoul's eagerness to cash in on a summit with Kim Il Sung, Pyongyang dangled a "summit card" before South Korean eyes. On this apparently divisive issue, some analysts claim that Seoul's decision to sign the December 1991 agreement on reconciliation, nonaggression, and exchange and cooperation with Pyongyang--even before the resolution of the nuclear issue-- was prompted in part by the wishful thinking of the Blue House (Seoul's equivalent of the White House) that the signing would lead to a summit. See "Divided Perceptions Over Policy Toward North Korea," Chung'ang Ilbo, October 29, 1990. For a view that President-elect Kim Young Sam should not be "tempted" by a possible Pyongyang call for a summit in 1993, The Korea Herald [Seoul], December 19, 1992. 25 See The Summit Council for World Peace. American Foreign Policy and the Future of the Two Koreas: Proceedings of a Summit Council Roundtable. December 17,1992, Washington, D. C. pp. 16-17; als...
