en them are intra-Korean rather than inter-state but they do not agree on what that definition means. Whereas South Korea tends to view the definition as meaning a special relationship marked by peaceful coexistence analogous to the two Germanys prior to unification, North Korea tends to see the relationship more in a moralist than legalistic term. On Kim Il Sung's expansive concept of "internal affairs" and its implications for Seoul, and possibly Washington as well, see Rinn-Sup Shinn, "North Korea: Squaring Reality with Orthodoxy," pages 114-115 in Donald N. Clark (ed.), Korea Briefing, 1991. Boulder: Westview Press (Published in Cooperation with The Asia Society), 1991, pp.114-115. 17 A new policy twist in Pyongyang's approach to Seoul is its appeal that North and South Korea take a joint nationalist stand against Washington-- appeal that has become apparent since mid-1990. For an elaboration, see Kang Sok Ju, "North and South Must Cooperate with One another in the International Arena to Defend the Common Interests of the Nation," Kulloja, December 1990, pp.81-85. 18 Independence (chajuhwa) and democratization (minjuhwa) are Pyongyang's code-words for national liberation and pro-North Korean political restructuring, respectively. Depending on the context, minJuhwa can also mean "communization." 19 FBIS Daily Report/East Asia, February 10, 1993, p.21. 20 According to a senior Russian official visiting Seoul in May 1993, Moscow seems determined to regain its former influence over North Korea by supplying crude oil and weapons to Pyongyang. The official's public comment could be seen also an attempt to nudge South Korea toward greater economic contributions to Russia. See FBIS Daily Report/East Asia, May 28, 1993, p.19. 21 Moscow ITAR-TASS, February 5, 1993, as carried in FBIS Daily Report/SOV, February 8, 1993, p.11. 22 As noted by Kongdan Oh, North Korea in the 1990s: Implications for Future of the U.S.-South Korea Security Alliance....
