tatively stands out as the case with the highest degree of nation-statefusion. I argued that comparatively large segments of American societyperceived the state as a reflection of their own self and national identity. It plausibly follows that a considerable segment of civil society will tendto express an elevated awareness of national identity, and to mobilize inways that endorse and empower the state's war policy. The evidence from ParkCity supports this thesis. Mass scale patriotic expression that symbolicallyconnected citizens to the nation increased in both number and extent. Aheightened concern about the display of the flag, the number and scope ofpublic parades and patriotic celebrations, and the involvement of civicgroups in patriotic causes are indicators of the elevated shared significanceand experience of nationalism in Park City. The state's wartime mobilization also helped feed increased nationalidentification. The state was able to penetrate existing civic networks bydeputizing patriotically inclined citizens and organizing them into Councilsof Defense, giving these citizen bodies a quasi-official status asrepresentatives of the state with a definite combat task to mobilize civilsociety. Local Councils of Defense, in turn, mobilized their civicconnections and networks to broaden patriotic awareness and mobilizecommunities to wage the war effort. These activities promoted an impetus forgreater civic participation in Park City, as was reflected, for example, inthe growth of fraternal lodges such as the Elks and Knights of Columbus, aswell as in the growth of their activity and attention to patriotic issues. Thus a symbiotic relationship is revealed in the case of Park City in whichthe state's mobilization increased the vibrancy of civil society, and civilsociety empower the wartime mobilization of the state.By the same token, challenges to the state and other social institutionsperceived as central to self and nationa...
