l identity were often dealt with inan emotional, sometimes violent, manner. People who did not show an outwardcommitment to the war effort or "Americanism" were branded as slackers andtraitors to the national cause. This resulted in small outbreaks ofviolencesuch as an assault on an "American-cussing pro-German" and a threatto run a "foreigner" out of town after he had been mistakenly identified asgoing back on his word to purchase a liberty bond. This is certainly not to say that all residents felt a deep emotionalconnection to American nationalism and its institutional representations. TheIWW, for example, apparently achieved some popularity among the moreradicalized immigrant sections of the labor movement. It is significant,however, that those miners who were identified as more "American" and"patriotic" did eventually reject and threaten to mobilize against theinfluence of the IWW. Threats of civic violence against the IWW werenotable, including the threat to "rid" the town of radical labor elements andseveral reports of physical assault. In addition, civic groups in Park Citythat had taken a leading role in wartime mobilization sought to enforcepredominant conceptions of Americanism. The Elks, for example, promised topromote Americanism and purge the Elks lodge from the influence or membershipof unassimilated "foreigners," "reds," radicals, and un-Americans Theyrejected in a fairly unqualified way the "foreign threats" to the prevailingorder such as was allegedly posed by the IWW and "hyphenated" Americans. In Canada and, to a much greater extent, Ireland, the fusion between nationand state was arguably lower than in the United States. As a consequence,national identification and patriotic loyalty were not as easily confoundedwith support for the state's war effort and for established institutionalpatterns. These cases thus did not experience either the degree of civicparticipation or the solidification of the status of ke...
