another way, if the non-egalitarian result of the neo-liberal order defies Gill's eco-humanism, the non-democratic mechanism for maintaining this order contradicts his ideal of democratic political participation. In Gill's words, neo-liberal capitalism results in a system of political supremacy. "By a situation of supremacy, I mean rule by a non-hegemonic bloc of forces that exercises dominance for a period over apparently fragmented populations. . ."(Gill, 400) This crisis, as Gill calls it, arising from what Gramsci calls " a rift between popular masses and ruling ideologies" (Gill, 400) results in a system that necessarily circumvents popular support, not because the populous is too ignorant to understand its best interests, but rather because the interests of the system inherently contradict the interests of the populous. This lack of real participation is inherently uncivilized according to Gill's democratic/ egalitarian principles, but before we can even examine this idea, we must understand Gill's analysis of how such non-participation is engendered through the two complimentary procedures of [manufactured] consent and coercion.We begin this examination with a look at the neo-liberal ethos, (what Gill calls its mythology), which Gill implicates as uncivilized due to its role in engendering a politics of supremacy. The ideological fallacies that Gill points out seem to fall into two categories: the first being the fallacy of the self-regulating market, the second being the fallacy of the inevitability of neo-liberalism. On the first point, Block best supports Gill: "When the growth of the money supply is either too rapid or too slow, the result can be disastrous. Hence, there is a continuous need for a political practice of money supply management to make market societies work. . .But the very existence of this political practice. . .in turn creates a new set of problems, since there is a conflict between the system's need for ...
