political management and its basic ideology that markets should be left alone to run themselves. (Block) On the second point, Gill is supported by the "varieties of capitalism" literature, where writers like Boyer and Kitschlett outline the fact that the Liberal Market Economy (LME) model of the Anglo-American system, (which here is synonymous with neo-liberalism), is at least partially challenged by European Coordinated Market Economies and Japanese-style Group Coordination, both of which include some version of stakeholder capitalism designed to mitigate the negative impact of the market. (Boyer 29-58) (Kitschlett 427-459) Gill links the role of propaganda to the uncivilized nature of neo-liberalism in a tertiary manner as a facilitator of the wealth gap and the politics of supremacy that are themselves directly uncivilized. It is unclear whether Gill is also arguing, as one might, that any civilization whose rhetoric stood in such contrast to its reality exhibits a level of contradiction and hypocrisy (i.e a lack of self-knowledge) that, according to Gill's own standards, is inherently uncivilized. In either case, Gill's treatment of neo-liberal mythologies helps us confront Friedman's vague assertions that, in truth, the world actually wants the neo-liberal order (e.g. the story of Heng Dao) (Friedman, chapter 2)), in that, because the propaganda is itself divorced from reality, the consent manufactured through it has no basis in fact, and thus no factual or moral ground on which to stand. Following the consent and coercion model, Gill reminds us that when consent cannot be manufactured then it must be secured, a practice that seems more directly uncivilized than the role of neo-liberal mythology. Gill sees the coercive model operating on both the macroscopic and microscopic scales. In the macroscopic view, the G7 nexus, as Gill calls it, uses its control of capital to demand compliance from Third World nations in the form of, amo...
