eport, TANF recipients have 1.9 children, about the same as the national average ( ). It is assumed that failing to increase welfare payments for an additional child, $67 per month on average, is a sufficient incentive to prevent further pregnancies (Rose 2000). Repeated studies show no correlation between benefit levels and women’s choice to have children. States providing relatively higher benefits do not show higher birth rates among recipients (Rose 2000). More importantly the implication of incentives is also punitive. Non-welfare families do receive a premium for additional children, in the form of a $2,450 tax deduction per child and up to $ in childcare reimbursement annually. However, society does not label the women receiving these “incentives” for having additional children to decrease their taxable income. Considering the actual amount of increase of benefits for an additional child dose not support claims as incentive for women receiving welfare, therefore we must look deeper to reveal other possible motivations for this type of policy. “Surveys show that racial attitudes are the most important reason behind white opposition to welfare programs” (Gilens p. 593). The history of AFDC shows repeated attempts to exclude African Americans through morality requirements. Although black represent only 37% of welfare recipients, perceptions of black mothers dominate whites’ evaluations of welfare and their preferences with regard to welfare spending (p. 601). The “welfare mother experiment”, conducted by Gilens in 1996, asked respondents their impression of a welfare recipient described as either black or white woman in her early 30s, who has a ten year old child, and who has been on welfare for the past year. Respondents were asked two specific questions, “how likely is it that the woman described will try hard to find a job, and “how likely is it th...
